Concessions of a Lifelong Diplomat, written by Jordan Hirsch, Fall 2007
—Letter from Dennis Ross

The Games We Play, written by Jordan Hirsch, Fall 2007
—Letter from Laurie Zittrain Eisenberg, Ph.D

Eminent Domain: Properties, Principles, and Strange Bedfellows, written by Evan Daar, Winter 2007
—Letter from David Judd

Defining our Generation, Bit by Byte, written by William Lane, Winter 2007
—Letter by Nick Handler

Letter by Ron Gejman
Response by William Lane



Concessions of a Lifelong Diplomat
Jordan Hirsch, Fall 2007

To the Editor:

I read Jordan Hirsch’s critique of my book Statecraft with interest and a sense of irony. I say irony because, as he says in his concluding sentence, the last thing we need to restore our standing in the world is “hollow diplomacy and selective thinking.” I could not agree more. In effect, his criticisms are in almost every case highly selective and even misleading. In my chapter on the Israelis and the Palestinians, I certainly do not suggest that the unilateral withdrawal from Gaza was a good thing because it would “mollify those Arabs demanding Israeli concessions.” Not only do I not suggest anything like that, I actually criticize heavily the lack of preparation for the Gaza withdrawal, the fact that it was carried out in a way bound to strengthen Hamas, and that there needed to be mutuality of responsibility built–into the approach. Mr. Hirsch attacks something that is not in the book.

Similarly, he says that to counter Muslim extremism, we need to engage in statecraft with serious partners, and he adds a “responsible long–term strategy requires the U.S. to demand accountability from those leaders with whom it engages.” I agree, and in my chapter on how to deal with radical Islamists, I focus on how best to identify and work with those partners in the Muslim world who will be accountable and therefore can discredit the radical Islamists. I do say that “Islamists feed on indignity and a psychic landscape of frustration and anger. To be defeated, they must be seen as producing one more source of failure. Just as we want to create models of success for the reformers, we also need the Islamists to fail.” But that is why I call for strategic dialogues with our partners both inside and outside the Muslim world who share our objectives, so we can fashion effective strategies together.

Of course, Mr. Hirsch thinks my “grievance philosophy” is a case of selective analysis, not just misperception. He believes that al Qaeda has transformed the Palestinians, and according to him, I am blind to that. It is true I don’t see causation where it does not exist. Have Islamists become more influential among Palestinian rejectionists? Absolutely, and the more they seem to succeed, the more they will feed those among the Palestinians who reject peace and a two–state solution. That is one of the rea sons I say in the book that “Hamas must be forced to change or to fail––with change itself being a demonstration that Islamism is not the answer.”

Given his theme that I “habitually cherry pick,” it is interesting that he chooses to cherry pick in suggesting that my solution to the problem of convergence between some neoliberal and neoconservative attitudes on troop presence in Iraq at the outset of the war is to say that Bill Kristol’s view is actually a neoliberal one––effectively demeaning any significant difference between neo–conservatives and neoliberals. In fact, I said that “unlike Kristol and other thoughtful neoconservatives, neoliberal supporters of the war were far more preoccupied with what would be needed in the aftermath of Saddam’s demise. There was much less optimism about the ease of the mission and much greater concern about the messiness of the reconstruction or nation–building phase.” I go on to talk not just about the concern about the vacuum after Saddam and the implications for security, but also the neo–liberal concerns about the risks of sectarianism, the likelihood of a Sunni insurgency, and the long–haul nature of the responsibility we would be assuming. This is hardly an indication that I could not distinguish between the neoliberals and neoconservatives.

There are other instances of selectivity in what Mr. Hirsch chooses to highlight and then use for his purposes which are, unfortunately, unrelated to what is in the book and why it is there. For example, the way he uses a quote I cite from Hafez al Asad to suggest that I believe we should humble ourselves before such a quality tyrant may be clever but is completely taken out of context and in any case belies how I think one should negotiate with rogue regimes. True, I think we want their bad behavior to be at issue and not our reluctance to talk, but the whole point of the chapter on negotiations and then the discussion about Iran in the book is that we must have leverage when dealing with them. They must not think that we are weak or need the negotiations more than they do.

Lastly, I don’t just suggest buzz words for trying to resolve the Palestinian conflict like “engagement” or a “hands–on approach.” I actually describe the specific steps that would need to be taken on the ground to change realities and see whether peace is possible. I applaud Mr. Hirsch for reviewing the book and understand that it is tempting to use a book review to make one’s own preferred points. Next time, when doing so, try to actually reflect on what is in the book and not on what isn’t.

Sincerely,

Dennis Ross


Dennis Ross is counselor and Ziegler distinguished fellow of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and published Statecraft: And how to Restore America’s Standing in the World (Farrar, Strauss and Giroux) in June 2007. Ambassador Ross served as a State Department official in three US Administrations and served as the lead U.S. negotiator between the Israeli government and Palestinian Authority for over twelve years.



The Games We Play
Jordan Hirsch
, Fall 2007

To the Editor:

Regarding PeaceMaker’s usefulness in the classroom: No one ever forgets to do his or her videogame homework. No one’s videogame homework has yet been eaten by his or her dog. And on the scheduled PeaceMaker discussion day, attendance is always outstanding. PeaceMaker is not a perfect replication of reality, but it is a novel, fresh, and entertaining break from the textbook and realistic enough to give students an opportunity to experience the frustration, disappointment, and rare happiness that is Arab–Israeli peacemaking. It also gives them the chance to apply the vocabulary, issues, and geography they have been reading about. If the textbook is the driver’s manual, PeaceMaker is the car that students can take out on the road. When was the last time a professor gave you an assignment to put the pedal to the metal and see if you could handle the sharp curves? And wouldn’t that be a great class—and a topic—you’d remember?!

Sincerely,
Laurie Zittrain Eisenberg, Ph.D.
Associate Teaching Professor
Department of History
Carnegie Mellon University
Pittsburgh, PA, 15213 USA
412–268–2880
le3a@andrew.cmu.edu




Eminent Domain: Properties, Principles, and Strange Bedfellows
Evan Daar, Winter 2007

To the Editor:

Evan Daar, writing in The Current’s Winter 2007 issue, accuses the International Socialist Organization of arguing “out of convenience rather than conviction” in opposing the use of eminent domain in Columbia’s expansion into West Harlem. His premise for this accusation: that the ISO has grounded its opposition to eminent domain in a defense of property rights – a strange position for a socialist group. However, there is a reason Daar does not provide any kind of quote or citation for his claim. His depiction of the ISO position is, in fact, based on argumentative convenience, not reality.

The ISO opposes any use of eminent domain for Columbia’s expansion because we oppose the exercise of state power to transfer property from historically oppressed communities to wealthy private institutions. As revolutionaries we are skeptical of any exercise of coercion by the capitalist state; as socialists, we are against the processes of gentrification that are slowly driving working people and people of color out of Manhattan. We do not support the “right” of a CEO who has driven his or her company into the ground and laid off thousands of workers to exit with a golden parachute and keep the profits; we do support the right of Harlem residents to preserve their homes and their community. Universal rights to decent housing, education, and health care do not entail full property rights. Rather, the two approaches are irreconcilable.

Sincerely,

David Judd, SEAS ’08




Defining our Generation, Bit by Byte
William Lane
, Winter 2007

To the Editor:

I was disappointed to be lumped in with Thomas Friedman in William Lane’s article, Defining Our Generation, in the Winter 2007 issue of The Current. I appreciate Lane’s argument that information–sharing programs such as Bit–Torrent have contributed to an online community of young, culturally savvy users exchanging interesting ideas, and I have never meant to imply that young people are “quiet and unsystematic,” as Lane puts it. The internet and the opportunities it provides for information sharing are hugely important for young, politically or socially conscious people (in my own defense, I did make that point in the essay of mine that Lane cites). Anyone who watches cable news knows that YouTube and Dailykos have become information sources and indicators of popular trends that are in many ways as important as traditional opinion polls and onthe– ground reporting. I also think that access to the myriad art forms that Lane refers to are important in allowing younger generations to find their own forms of cultural expression.

However, digital activism should be a means to an end and not an end in itself. While he acknowledges Friedman’s (snide) criticism that young people can’t just “email it in,” Lane does not necessarily point to a method of harnessing digital and cultural activism for real social change. Don’t get me wrong: I think William Lane has written a good defense of the information generation. In an age where mass media and public opinion can be so shamelessly manipulated for political and economic gain as they have been in the past eight years, a grassroots forum for opinion and information exchange is a prerequisite for social organizing. However, to boil the internet revolution down to a vehicle for “progress in artistic and cultural appreciation” is to ignore its real potential.

In the Democratic primaries of 2004 and 2008, it has already shown its potential for fundraising and awareness–raising on a national political scale. In a million other ways it has shown itself a forum for large–scale debate and information exchange. But to have a real effect in the material world (which still does matter), the digital universe needs to provide more than efficient “distributional models”—it needs to provide forums with structure and vision to harness the energy that has taken refuge on the internet. Cyberspace has yielded some nascent versions of these communities (see Idealist or the much sneered–at moveon.org, or the websites of numerous pre–existing groups), but they are still in their infancy. If information–sharing programs and the like are to be the lasting legacy of our generation, as Lane argues, then they need to be geared toward larger goals. We cannot confine ourselves to the online exchange of films and movies. The digital world is great and largely untapped, no doubt, but this one still needs fixing, too.

Nick Handler
Yale University class of 2009


Dear Editor,

William Lane discusses “distribution” in Defining our Generation, Bit by Byte, Winter 2007, as our generation’s central dogma and argues that it promotes the consumption of art and the dissemination of ideas. While it is accurate that increased ease of distribution has made it easier to access and consume information, this is only half the story.

The other half of the story is distribution’s positive effect on creativity. Distribution of content promotes creation of content. For instance, Wikipedia, the free online encyclopedia, is premised both on its ability to reach masses (simple distribution) but also on its ability to encourage the masses to create. Wikipedia is possible only because millions have engaged in a creative–productive process fueled by ease of distribution. While this is distribution in a different form than downloading music, it is distribution of a creative process and just as important. Hundreds of websites (YouTube, Digg, Reddit, etc) and other community–built repositories of information (Gracenote, formerly CDDB) rely on this effect of distribution and we are enriched by it.

We must recognize that the consequence of making content easier to distribute (and create) is that bad content comes with good content. Lane’s suggestion that distribution is worthless if most of what is disseminated online (via Bit– Torrent) is “cheap pop culture and the new hit singles” is unfair. Distribution today may be pushing Britney Spears—but it is also fueling the next Simon and Garfunkel. Both “art” and Art will emerge in any society – distribution just increases the volume of both.

Finally—because it cannot be left unanswered— downloading or sharing copyrighted music is not, as Lane states, theft. It is both legally and semantically copyright infringement. I can steal someone’s bicycle and leave them bicycle–less; I cannot steal someone’s song and leave them song–less. This has been treated extensively online and I leave it as an exercise to the reader to explore the subject.

If there is anything that our generation rejects, it the transformation of copyright from creative (and protective) force to profitable enterprise. We want the freedom to create and recreate, to master and to mix, while still ensuring that artists are fairly compensated for their work. Lane is completely right that copyright infringement is a huge problem for our generation, but we must endeavor to strike a balance between fair compensation for producers and fair use for consumers.

Sincerely,

Ron Gejman

CC ’10

Member, FreeCulture


My primary disagreement with the contents of Mr. Gejman’s letter is not concerned with the positive effect on creativity that improvements in digital content distribution have produced, but rather that he has pigeonholed me as being against this creativity and dismissive of the popular culture bit–torrent websites disseminate as “worthless.” As I specified in my essay, the digital revolution and its rapid online dissemination opens up a world of possibilities for people to connect with the content they enjoy. Naturally some people will use this newfound opportunity to access materials that are already available to them (for a price), whereas others will seek out information and artwork that they do not have access to. While I consider the latter group the more pioneering of the two, I leave to aestheticians what should be considered “high art” and what should not.

Mr. Gejman is correct that websites like Wikipedia and Gracenote rely on fluid distribution to generate new content, but he is mistaken when he presents me as not recognizing that relationship between content distribution and content creation. I reference both sites in the conclusion of the essay for the purpose of putting bit–torrent in the context of larger online contributions our generation has helped to create. Wikipedia and YouTube are in the vanguard of online development; that we are using our distribution models to create huge bodies of information that can be accessed quickly and freely by all speaks to how much good our generation, the primary users of and contributors to those websites, has done and will continue to do.

Finally, I concede that I was mistaken in my terminology: downloading copyrighted material is not stealing; it is merely breaking copyright laws. While I agree with Mr. Gejman that we need to find a better way of dealing with the problem of fair compensation and freedom of artistic exploration, I intentionally adopted a more “mainstream” position—or as one member of Free Culture put it in an e–mail, “the rhetoric of the recording industry”—because to be any more radical would have shifted the focus away from the main point of my essay. I wanted to demonstrate that bit–torrent websites are one example of how our generation is contributing to the world even if it gets no recognition for doing so, or in other words, that bit–torrent has cultural and generational value. At the same time, I do hold that copyright laws are inimical to our generation’s productivity, a position that I might explore at length in another essay.

– William Lane



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