ADAM
GOLDMAN
2006
Ostalgie in Contemporary German Literature and Cinema
Ostalgie is probably the most important cultural trend in Germany
today. Derived from the German words for East ("Ost") and Nostalgia
("Nostalgie"), the term refers to a bittersweet nostalgia for life
under the GDR. In the former East, this phenomenon has taken many
forms: Retro movie houses screen GDR classics like "The Legend of Paul
and Paula;" products manufactured by the GDR are available at specialty
stores in Prenzlauer Berg; there was a campaign in the mid-90's to save
the Ampelmannchen, the distinctive men who adorn East Berlin's traffic
lights; and there's even an Ostalgie museum in Eissenhuttenstadt, that
displays products manufactured by the GDR. But Ostalgie has left its
mark most forcefully on the popular literature and cinema of
contemporary Germany. Authors like Jana Hensel (Zonenkinder) and
Claudia Rusch (Meine Freie Deutsche Jugend) and Thomas Brussig (Am
Kurzen Ende der Sonnenallee) have written best sellers that portray
daily life in the GDR with wistful sentimentality. Films like Wolfgang
Becker's Goodbye Lenin and Dany Levi's Go For Zucker - which offer
similarly rosy takes on life in the former East - have been among the
highest grossing films in recent years.
There are many sides to a phenomenon that at first
glance strikes one as peculiar. Certainly there is a temptation to view
the phenomenon as just a bit of East German kitsch. Dr. Peter
Niedermueller, a professor of European Ethnology at Berlin's Humboldt
University explained "Socialism is somehow a system that one can
present today very ironically . . . It was naturally a political
dictatorship. (But) it was also a very dumb dictatorship." But the
causes of Ostalgie seem to run deeper than just a desire to ridicule a
40-year-long repressive socialist regime. Much of the current sentiment
is a byproduct of resentment for the overcapitalized and greedy west.
Barbara Thalheim, a singer in East Berlin, offers clarification: ""It's
not the GDR that we defend. It's our life in the GDR. More than
anything, though, Ostalgie is a symptom of the persistent differences
between East and West Germans and of their growing resentment of one
another"
Having studied authors like Hensel, Brussig and Rausch
in a Post-War German literature course taught by Professor Michael
Eskin, and through a summer spent in Berlin after my freshman year, I
have become fascinated with Ostalgie. This phenomenon has wide-reaching
effects in contemporary East German society and permeates many of the
fabrics of everyday life including consumerism, fashion, architecture
and art. With a Williams Traveling Fellowship, I propose to study the
ways in which Ostalgie has informed much of the contemporary literature
and cinema of East Germany.
The works of the aforementioned authors and filmmakers connect to the
long discussion on the uses and abuses of history. Some feel that by
painting a rosy picture of life under the socialist regime, these
artists are trying to downplay if not deny the repression entailed by
the communist regime, the state censorship, the lack of freedom
Notes
1. "East German souvenir crockery has Berliners simmering," Deutsche
Presse-Agentur Feb. 27, 2004
2. "The 'Ostalgie' Wave" - The Ottawa Citizen, August 27, 1994
MELANIE
BRAZZELL 2005
"African women filmmakers are warriors. They face a
lot of obstacles. There's this picture of a Kenyan filmmaker. She was
behind the camera, she had her baby tied behind her back, and she was
directing. That was the most powerful image. It stayed with me. And to
me, that is African women filmmakers."
— Lucy Gebre-Egziabher,
Ethiopia
West African cinema has been enormously powerful in
building post-colonial African identities, through images and
representations, creative expression and voice. Ousmane Sembène,
deemed the "Father of African cinema," exemplifies the strong
Senegalese tradition of politically engaged activists and writers who
have turned their novels into films. This history of engagé or
politically engaged filmmaking carries strong ties to traditional oral
modes of storytelling, which predate and inform both the written
literature and film of the region. Senegalese filmmakers, in fact, are
perceived as contemporary griots, the keepers of the West African oral
storytelling tradition, and much has been written about the influence
of traditional narrative structures on narrative forms in African films.
Yet both the oral tradition and the neo-colonial order
in West Africa have silenced and excluded women from speaking and
representing themselves, especially in cinematic mediums. Many of
Sembène's films address these issues explicitly-those of gender
and power, Islam's effects on those dynamics, and the necessity of an
equal female presence in the forging of postcolonial identities.
Sembène's work demands that women have a voice in the creation
of these identities and notions of self and nation; however, economic
and cultural constraints continue to foreclose them from cinematic
self-expression.
I will focus my study in Dakar, Senegal this summer on
contemporary female filmmakers in Senegal who struggle to craft a
politically engaged filmic language which represents female
subjectivities. What practical constraints of access and distribution
must these women overcome, and how does it inform their creative work?
How are these women able to represent themselves and the lives of
Senegalese women through a medium dominated and encrypted by
patriarchy, colonial and imperial residues, and the economic
constraints of Western capitalism and globalization? How do these women
negotiate the filmic medium to create a subversive language of their
own? And in particular, how do these female filmmakers address the
social and religious values of Islam, the dominant religion in Senegal,
and its impact on women, especially around issues of polygamy and
marriage?
With Sembène's work as a convention-setting and
historical jumping off point, I will comparatively examine the body of
work of three Senegalese filmmakers: Safi Faye, the first black African
filmmaker to direct a feature-film, and two contemporary females. Khady
Sylla continues the tradition of Sembène and others as a
novelist and filmmaker, further exploring the close relationship
between literature and cinema, while Fatou Kandé-Senghor brings
a visual arts and multimedia angle to her work. How does the work of
these three women both draw from and transform the methods and
techniques of male Senegalese filmmakers to discuss issues of gender,
feminism, and Islam? In exemplifying female production and creative
female voice, how do they craft a uniquely female voice of a 'griette'
in contemporary, post-colonial Senegalese society?
Because many of these films have had very limited
distribution internationally, and even in West Africa, they can only be
found in film and video archives. I have located archives of rare and
other such films unavailable in the U.S., at the West African Research
Center, the film library of the Association of Senegalese Filmmakers,
and other Senegalese university libraries. I will also visit
Ougadougou, Burkina Faso, the site of Africa's largest film festival
(FESPACO), and its extensive film archives.
To further integrate myself into the vibrant cinematic
scene in Dakar, I have communicated with filmmakers associations and
registered for Dakar's annual summer film festival, Festival Image et
Vie. I am reaching out to the female filmmakers whose work I would like
to study in hopes of interviewing or working with them in some
capacity. I have also been permitted to attend some of the events held
by Howard University's NEH African Studies Summer Institute on African
Cinema, which will be held in Dakar during my stay there. By securing a
home-stay with a family in Dakar through a friend currently studying
there and the guidance of Penda Mbow, a professor at Université
Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar and a prominent member of the women's
movement there, I will be able to more fully and responsibly integrate
myself into the social and academic culture of Senegal.
CARA
SPITALEWITZ 2005
Embarrassment in French Realist Fiction
Having traced fictional representations of embarrassment
in the works of Laclos, Prévost, Rousseau, Balzac, Flaubert, and
Stendhal, I have become interested in studying the historical
underpinnings of this psychological affect. There is an obvious
difference between the causes of embarrassment in literature written
before and after the French Revolution, and I expect that the change
was a result of rapidly developing codes of manners. How did
individuals learn new standards of behavior in an increasingly
post-aristocratic society? Furthermore, how did embarrassment, as a
socialized affect, enforce shifting class boundaries in post-Napoleonic
France? By examining the 19th-century advice and conduct manuals
available in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (1), I would
be able to get a sense of how detailed codes of manners actually were,
and to what extent manners simply had to be learned in practice.
Although embarrassment is a highly personal reaction, the public
shaming prevalent in aristocratic circles seems to have traveled
downward to the post-Revolutionary world of the bourgeoisie,
manifesting itself in the feuilletons and gossip columns of petits
journaux. These low-quality newspapers, which flourished in
post-Napoleonic France, indulged in satires, scandals, and personal
attacks. My intention is to study representative petits journaux such
as Drapeau Blanc, Le Réveil, Le Nain Jaune, Le Diable Boiteux,
Le Corsaire, Le Voleur, La Mode, La Silhouette, La Caricature, and Le
Charivari, particularly for the years 1815-1835, which can be found
only in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Archives
Nationales Françaises. Documents of this sort, which form part
of the thematic material of the French realist novel, are essential to
my task of historicizing a broadly theoretical topic.
The frame for my project starts with a sense that prior to the French
Revolution, references to embarrassment, particularly in fiction, had
strong sexual connotations. Appearing embarrassed, at least for a
woman, was, at times, desirable, as it implied innocence and purity. A
socially experienced female could feign embarrassment at will,
transforming the emotion into a social tool, and a skillful male could
exploit genuine female embarrassment with little more than a glance.
Due to the anxiety about social status caused by the dissolution of the
ancien regime, however, the embarrassment depicted in
post-Revolutionary literature is more often the result of social faux
pas than of sexual feelings. Neither the bourgeoisie nor the
aristocracy seems to have known the appropriate modes of interaction,
and this uncertainty resulted in awkward social situations. Although
the shame resulting from small-scale interactions is often referred to
as embarrassment, both affects ultimately arise from the same source: a
sudden realization of identity.
According to psychologist Silvan Tomkins, "shame is an experience of
the self by the self" (2). In her analysis of Tomkins's work, Eve
Kosofsky Sedgwick argues that "shame attaches to and sharpens the sense
of what one is." (3) If shame is so rooted in self-identity, and can
occur in such small-scale situations as dinner parties or lovers'
rendezvous, it would be interesting to study the extent to which it
also operated on a large-scale, and how it intersected with a newly
vibrant, and newly pe rsonalized, print culture. How common was public
shaming after the French Revolution (as evidenced by articles in petits
journaux)? What types of behavior or personal characteristics were
thought to be embarrassing (as illustrated in conduct manuals)?
Although I understand how embarrassment operates on a psychological
level, studying primary source documents in France would allow me to
pinpoint the forces that shaped its changing representations in the
novel, and to construct a more historically precise genealogy for
embarrassment in French realist fiction.
Notes
1. Antoine Sabbagh, Professor at Paris III and "responsable pedagogique
aux Archives Nationales," has assured me of the availability of these
documents.
2. Tomkins, Silvan. Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader.
Ed.
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank. Durham: Duke UP, 1995. 136
3. Sedgewick, Eve. Touching Feeling. Durham: Duke UP, 2003. 37
NIKIL SAVAL
2004
The Geography of Nowhere:
Venice and The History of Modernity
In the current thinking about modernity, most of our
attention is directed towards the great urban centers at the
fin-de-siècle: Paris, Vienna, London, and New York. In our
critical vocabulary, we tend to follow and examine Charles Baudelaire,
who saw "modernity" as meaning "the ephemeral, the fugitive, the
contingent," exemplified in the character of the flaneur who adores the
great "crowds" of urban life. Yet this aesthetic history of modernity
suffers from a glaring omission. What are we to say about that that
other half of modernity which is the "eternal and the immutable"? What
of the other city of modern life? In short-what about Venice?
The turn-of-the-century witnessed a great effusion of
proto-modernist and modernist art dealing with Venice. Henry James came
there to write The Portrait of a Lady and The Aspern Papers; the city
also formed an important setting for his novel of young mortality and
betrayal, The Wings of the Dove. Meanwhile, the translation of John
Ruskin's Venetian writings into French exerted a strong influence on
the young Marcel Proust and spurred the aged Claude Monet to produce a
series of 32 gorgeous but spectacularly depopulated paintings of the
city, exhibited shortly before his death. During the same summer that
Monet exhibited his paintings, Thomas Mann published his novella Death
in Venice, where the Venetian geography drew upon a dark distillation
of Friedrich Nietzsche and Gustav Mahler, the Dionysian and the
Apollinian.
These artists found in Venice an aesthetic almost
completely opposed to that of modernity; yet through this opposition,
the city seemed to produce modernity by its very absence. The work
surrounding Venice is thus pervaded with an aesthetic of decay and
death, while still haunted by the sense of the city's once overwhelming
vibrancy in its days of empire and cosmopolitanism, those topics that
were so important to the modernists in the "living" cities of Europe at
the same time. My summer work in Venice will involve (after Franco
Moretti) creating a geography of the works in question. Certain areas
in the city-and the geography of the city as a whole-are indelibly
connected with a literary past (for example, the Palazzo Barbaro and
Henry James), and their actual survival owes more to a literary
heritage than to any intrinsic interest in the buildings themselves.
This "fieldwork" will help me to draw out the connections between
Venice's literary, modernist past and its actual, modern present in
order to produce an alternate aesthetic history of modernity, inclusive
of Venice as a modern city.
In addition to this type of work, the improvement of my
Italian while staying in the city will allow me to examine another
suppressed history-that is, writing in Italian about Venice. Writers as
diverse as Gabriele D'Annunzio, F. T. Marinetti, and Italo Calvino have
chosen Venice as a topic of importance to modernity and post-modernity,
though their work has never been analyzed in that context. This very
fact leads to a larger, more difficult problem regarding the teaching
of modern Italian literature in English and Comparative Literature
programs. This fetishization of Venice as an artistic commodity takes
place around the time that English as a discipline comes into being;
yet, for all this lavishing of desire towards Venice-and, by
synecdoche, towards Italy-there has been a concomitant absence of
desire to teach modern Italian literature. During the summer, resources
such as the Universita di Venezia Ca'Foscari will be enormously
helpful. And in the fall, Professor Andrea Malaguti of the Italian
Department has agreed to help me with the study of Italian literature
related to Venice. He has also put me in touch with Professor Franco
Fido of the Italian Department at Harvard.
In addition to the authors I have mentioned above, there
are many other writers for whom Venice was important who could easily
fit into the temporary frame I have articulated here, including
Jean-Paul Sartre, Georg Simmel, Ezra Pound, Lord Byron, Ian McEwan, and
Hugo von Hoffmansthal, not to mention other Italian writers on Venice,
about whom I am just beginning to learn. I mention these authors here
both to emphasize the time range (from Romanticism to Post-Modernism)
that this project could encompass, and the scope that it could achieve,
far beyond the level of an independent study and senior thesis.
JAMES MOORHEAD
2003
In the Celtic ballad tradition, the worlds of oral
and literary culture are intertwined in a complex and fascinating
relationship. Early twentieth century scholars debated the true origins
of popular ballads, over whether they began as individual compositions
or as musical stories that emerged from a collective folk culture.
Although we will probably never be able to prove a definitive answer to
this question, popular ballads seem to be oral in their origins while
influenced by a symbiotic relationship to literary culture. We can
trace the origins of ballads back several centuries, due primarily to
the work of Francis Child, who recorded hundreds of popular ballads
from folk at the end of the nineteenth century. His collection of
written music became known as the “Child ballads.” In the 1950’s,
ethnomusicologist Alan Lomax made seminal sound field-recordings of
these ballads that had survived generations of oral transmission,
providing a recorded archive for the Child ballads as a living
tradition. Over time, the influences that oral culture and literary
culture have had in the preservation of the ballad tradition have
changed. While farmers, tinkers, and working people often learned
ballads through a rite of storytelling, many scholars knew of the
ballads only as a form of written poetry towards the end of the
nineteenth century.
In many of the Child ballads such as “The Unquiet Grave”, elements of
the supernatural pervade throughout the story. Frequent references to
ghosts and magicians occur. Child Ballads that abound with the
supernatural have a common origin in the eighteenth century, whereas
earlier balladic references to the supernatural were limited to Satan
or to elves. My project seeks to illuminate what elements of literary
and oral culture influenced the fascination with the supernatural that
appears in the eighteenth century Child ballads. In turn, I hope to
shed light on the general origins of the Child ballads, as well.
Perhaps I will find that the nature of oral storytelling lends itself
more to fantastical references than literature does at the time. I
might find that literature of the eighteenth century is actually a
greater source of supernatural motifs influencing the Child ballads. As
a folk tradition, a point of interest might be whether or not the oral
keepers of the tradition believed in the supernatural motifs of their
stories, and whether present participants of the folk tradition accept
the same motifs as truth.
I plan to research issues of folklore surrounding this question with
the abundant resources of the Folklore Society Library of the Warburg
Institute, London. The Folklore Institute also maintains a rich
archival collection at University College, London. I also plan to take
advantage of the large collection of ballads, criticism, and ballad
literature at the School of Celtic and Scottish Studies, University of
Edinburgh. Aside from literary research, the oral nature of the ballad
tradition calls for a look at how the performance of singing ballads
continues as a living tradition today. Many families, especially in
rural areas, continue to pass down the ballad tradition through each
generation. As a result of the folk revival of the 1960’s, others have
pursued the singing of ballads out of interest or cultural pride. Thus,
we see a time at hand when it becomes difficult to distinguish the
impact of oral culture from that of literary culture in the
preservation of this tradition. By observing how the performance of
ballads continues in taverns, in homes, in festivals, and perhaps on
tinker campgrounds, I hope to gain insight into the current roles that
oral and literary culture play in preserving the tradition. Aside from
recording these performances with a high-quality, portable mini-disc
recorder, I hope to interview performers on their personal experiences
as participants in the ballad tradition. By focusing on the performance
of ballads that reference the supernatural, I hope to gain insight into
the oral and literary elements that influenced this fascination of the
eighteenth century. Moreover, I hope to compare any variants of ballads
in my recordings to those made by Alan Lomax.
I have been in contact with the Folklore Society and the University of
Edinburgh, institutions that have been helpful in directing me to
specific taverns, rural areas, and families that would be willing to
share their traditions. One such area of focus is Aberdeen, home to
many such as the Ritchies and Robertsons, families that continue the
ballad tradition with new generations of performers. I also plan to
attend the Festival of Traditional Singing held at the University of
Aberdeen from July 25 to 27. In addition, I will observe Saturday night
“ceilidhs” hosted by the University of Aberdeen, parties where locals
perform ballads and other folk traditions.
While this aspect of my research is ethnographic, I feel that the
observation and analysis of ballads as they are performed now is
essential to understanding ballads as both a living and literary
tradition. By observing and interviewing present-day performers, I hope
to shed light on the relationship between oral and literary influences
of the past. Specifically, I hope to gain a better understanding of
these influences as they pertain to the eighteenth century balladic
fascination with the supernatural.
As a double major in English and music, I feel that I have a sufficient
background to pursue such a topic of interdisciplinary nature.
Professor Timothy Taylor, the Celtic expert of the music department,
has assisted me in part in understanding the musical aspects of my
project. Having taken a course in ethnomusicology, I feel prepared for
the ethnographic aspects of my research.
MELANIE MICIR
2002
James Joyce's complex relationship with his native Ireland remains a
crucial subject of study for scholars of literature and nation. Joyce's
often contradictory responses to Ireland and Irish culture range from
"affectionate tolerance to impassioned repudiation," (1) from sarcastic
critique to sincere appreciation. Writing much of his work in exile,
Joyce maintained a careful distance from Ireland - and from the
politics of separatist Irish nationalism, which he disdained - for much
of his life. Despite this geographical separation, however, his
personal preoccupation with Irish culture could hardly be more
apparent, and Joyce himself, once dismissed in Ireland as an obscene,
obscure exile, has become an iconic figure of Irish literature and
culture throughout the world.
My project will examine historical reactions to the celebration of
Bloomsday in order to trace the connection between Joyce's growing
literary celebrity and Irish national culture. (2) Bloomsday explodes
in Dublin on June 16th of each year (3), but the meaning of the
celebration varies, depending on whom you consult. The literary
faithful gather for readings, conferences, tours of the Dublin depicted
in Ulysses, and enthusiastic pub conversations. Yet even as the Joyce
industry booms, Bloomsday increasingly appears to celebrate and
commodify Irishness in general, as much of the population celebrates a
national ideal of "James Joyce" detached from his writing. Richard
Ellman writes, in his biography of Joyce, that "the demands of his
country for national feeling he was prepared to meet, but in his own
way. . . . For the moment, his most basic decision was in favor of
art's precedence over every other human activity. The nation might
profit or not from his experiment, as it chose." (4) I think it's safe
to say that the nation does profit, every year, in the revenue and
publicity produced by Joyce's holiday, which satisfies the demands for
"national feeling" that Ulysses, on its own, could not.
How did Ireland, the last nation to lift the ban on Ulysses, come to
appreciate its most celebrated exile, and to promote his virtual Dublin
as a tourist attraction? How has Bloomsday, a celebration inspired by a
highly critical and difficult modernist text, developed into what is
largely a celebration of Irish culture? How, in turn, is contemporary
Irish culture informed by the legacy of Ulysses? During the course of
this summer's research on Bloomsday, I hope to illuminate the
connection between James Joyce's literary celebrity and the development
of Irish national identity.
Notes
1. Emer Nolan, James Joyce and Nationalism (London: Routledge,
1995), xi.
2. In my research, I will use newspaper, magazine, and journal articles
(from both academic and popular perspectives), anecdotal support from
the scholars, publishers, and politicians who witnessed the gradual
reversal of Joyce's status within Ireland, Joyce and Bloomsday
memorabilia, and Dublin city records to trace the evolution of
Bloomsday.
3. Ulysses takes place on June 16, 1904. Although I am
concerned solely with the Dublin celebration, Joyceans celebrate
Bloomsday around the world.
4. Richard Ellman, James Joyce (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1965), 68.
PATRICK W.
PEARSALL 2001
Words such as truth, reconciliation, and memory dominate the study of
Human Rights. The language of rights helps give history a voice, and no
city in the 20th century spoke with as many different voices as Berlin.
It spoke to the future as a city of empire, a city of atrocity, a city
of reconciliation, a city of guilt, a city of fracture, and finally as
a city seeking to define itself as a dynamic capital for the new
unified Europe. As Berlin grows, it remains stunted by its past. World
War I, World War II, and the Cold War occupy the center of Western
experience during the last hundred years, providing Berlin with a
powerful position as one of history’s foremost language givers. The
city’s monuments, erected to memorialize the past, provide traces of
the specific language that Berlin sought to leave for the world’s
future.
My project will examine and draw conclusions from inscriptions on the
monuments and memorials of Berlin. I will not read the text on these
memorials and monuments solely within an historical or political frame,
but rather as texts that provide insight into the evolving vocabulary
of human rights. My thesis endeavors to illuminate the shifts that a
vocabulary undergoes when concerned specifically with memorialized
retribution and forgiveness. The paper will trace the course of
Berlin’s self-referential dialogue as it underwent several important
changes in voice and identity in an attempt to conform with and define
the ‘universal’ vocabulary of human rights. Through an exploration of
these shifts, the paper may show that reforming violators are among the
first to adopt the ‘universal’ rhetoric of human rights and thereby
claim increased authority over the dialogue’s vocabulary and future
usage. The project seeks to identify the moments where textual
innovations occur, and how these are vital to understanding the
trajectory and influence of post-World War II human rights language.
The repetitive pattern of adoption and adaptation by violators may show
human rights rhetoric as simultaneously vulnerable to subversion yet
effective in proliferation. Finally, the project will relate this
dualism of the ‘universal’ vocabulary as integral in the formation of
future human rights discourses.
Memorials and monuments are often the purview of historians or
sociologists. However, these academic disciplines frequently neglect to
analyze the texts of memorials. As we move with greater speed toward a
global ethos that holds human rights as a worthy pursuit with practical
utility, Berlin, so vocal in the rights dialogue of the last century,
continues to speak at the forefront of global discussion. Berlin
self-conceptualizes the past through its memorials and monuments. I
hypothesize that the texts of these structures, erected for public
memory, function as a historical lexicon for human rights vocabulary,
and that they may serve as a platform for the language’s future.
Berlin, guilty of past atrocities, struggles to accept the language of
modern rights rhetoric and thereby establish its usage as worthy to the
dialogue of its memory. In the human rights dialogue of the post-World
War II period, Berlin sits as both the accused and the adjudicator.
Studying in Berlin will give me the necessary access to the fundamental
sources of rights language. By performing close textual analysis of
Berlin’s memorials as they progress from 1918-1945 and then from the
aftermath of World War II to the start of the 21st century, I hope to
find evidence to support a claim that the vocabulary of human rights
indeed requires a grounding in ‘universal’ principles, yet often
manifests rhetoric with tremendous mobility. The expression of these
principles in a standardized vocabulary must leave room for further
evolution if the language of human rights is to exert the same profound
force over the next fifty years that it had over the last half century.
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