ADAM GOLDMAN
2006
Ostalgie in Contemporary German Literature and Cinema
Ostalgie is probably the most important cultural trend in Germany
today. Derived from the German words for East ("Ost") and
Nostalgia ("Nostalgie"), the term refers to a bittersweet
nostalgia for life under the GDR. In the former East, this phenomenon
has taken many forms: Retro movie houses screen GDR classics like
"The Legend of Paul and Paula;" products manufactured by
the GDR are available at specialty stores in Prenzlauer Berg; there
was a campaign in the mid-90's to save the Ampelmannchen, the distinctive
men who adorn East Berlin's traffic lights; and there's even an Ostalgie
museum in Eissenhuttenstadt, that displays products manufactured by
the GDR. But Ostalgie has left its mark most forcefully on the popular
literature and cinema of contemporary Germany. Authors like Jana Hensel
(Zonenkinder) and Claudia Rusch (Meine Freie Deutsche Jugend) and
Thomas Brussig (Am Kurzen Ende der Sonnenallee) have written best
sellers that portray daily life in the GDR with wistful sentimentality.
Films like Wolfgang Becker's Goodbye Lenin and Dany Levi's Go For
Zucker - which offer similarly rosy takes on life in the former East
- have been among the highest grossing films in recent years.
There are many sides to a phenomenon that at first glance strikes
one as peculiar. Certainly there is a temptation to view the phenomenon
as just a bit of East German kitsch. Dr. Peter Niedermueller, a
professor of European Ethnology at Berlin's Humboldt University
explained "Socialism is somehow a system that one can present
today very ironically . . . It was naturally a political dictatorship.
(But) it was also a very dumb dictatorship." But the causes
of Ostalgie seem to run deeper than just a desire to ridicule a
40-year-long repressive socialist regime. Much of the current sentiment
is a byproduct of resentment for the overcapitalized and greedy
west. Barbara Thalheim, a singer in East Berlin, offers clarification:
""It's not the GDR that we defend. It's our life in the
GDR. More than anything, though, Ostalgie is a symptom of the persistent
differences between East and West Germans and of their growing resentment
of one another"
Having studied authors like Hensel, Brussig and Rausch in a Post-War
German literature course taught by Professor Michael Eskin, and
through a summer spent in Berlin after my freshman year, I have
become fascinated with Ostalgie. This phenomenon has wide-reaching
effects in contemporary East German society and permeates many of
the fabrics of everyday life including consumerism, fashion, architecture
and art. With a Williams Traveling Fellowship, I propose to study
the ways in which Ostalgie has informed much of the contemporary
literature and cinema of East Germany.
The works of the aforementioned authors and filmmakers connect to
the long discussion on the uses and abuses of history. Some feel
that by painting a rosy picture of life under the socialist regime,
these artists are trying to downplay if not deny the repression
entailed by the communist regime, the state censorship, the lack
of freedom
Notes
1. "East German souvenir crockery has Berliners simmering,"
Deutsche Presse-Agentur Feb. 27, 2004
2. "The 'Ostalgie' Wave" - The Ottawa Citizen, August
27, 1994
MELANIE BRAZZELL
2005
"African women filmmakers are warriors. They face a lot
of obstacles. There's this picture of a Kenyan filmmaker. She
was behind the camera, she had her baby tied behind her back,
and she was directing. That was the most powerful image. It stayed
with me. And to me, that is African women filmmakers."
Lucy Gebre-Egziabher, Ethiopia
West African cinema has been enormously powerful in building post-colonial
African identities, through images and representations, creative
expression and voice. Ousmane Sembène, deemed the "Father
of African cinema," exemplifies the strong Senegalese tradition
of politically engaged activists and writers who have turned their
novels into films. This history of engagé or politically
engaged filmmaking carries strong ties to traditional oral modes
of storytelling, which predate and inform both the written literature
and film of the region. Senegalese filmmakers, in fact, are perceived
as contemporary griots, the keepers of the West African oral storytelling
tradition, and much has been written about the influence of traditional
narrative structures on narrative forms in African films.
Yet both the oral tradition and the neo-colonial order in West
Africa have silenced and excluded women from speaking and representing
themselves, especially in cinematic mediums. Many of Sembène's
films address these issues explicitly-those of gender and power,
Islam's effects on those dynamics, and the necessity of an equal
female presence in the forging of postcolonial identities. Sembène's
work demands that women have a voice in the creation of these identities
and notions of self and nation; however, economic and cultural constraints
continue to foreclose them from cinematic self-expression.
I will focus my study in Dakar, Senegal this summer on contemporary
female filmmakers in Senegal who struggle to craft a politically
engaged filmic language which represents female subjectivities.
What practical constraints of access and distribution must these
women overcome, and how does it inform their creative work? How
are these women able to represent themselves and the lives of Senegalese
women through a medium dominated and encrypted by patriarchy, colonial
and imperial residues, and the economic constraints of Western capitalism
and globalization? How do these women negotiate the filmic medium
to create a subversive language of their own? And in particular,
how do these female filmmakers address the social and religious
values of Islam, the dominant religion in Senegal, and its impact
on women, especially around issues of polygamy and marriage?
With Sembène's work as a convention-setting and historical
jumping off point, I will comparatively examine the body of work
of three Senegalese filmmakers: Safi Faye, the first black African
filmmaker to direct a feature-film, and two contemporary females.
Khady Sylla continues the tradition of Sembène and others
as a novelist and filmmaker, further exploring the close relationship
between literature and cinema, while Fatou Kandé-Senghor
brings a visual arts and multimedia angle to her work. How does
the work of these three women both draw from and transform the methods
and techniques of male Senegalese filmmakers to discuss issues of
gender, feminism, and Islam? In exemplifying female production and
creative female voice, how do they craft a uniquely female voice
of a 'griette' in contemporary, post-colonial Senegalese society?
Because many of these films have had very limited distribution
internationally, and even in West Africa, they can only be found
in film and video archives. I have located archives of rare and
other such films unavailable in the U.S., at the West African Research
Center, the film library of the Association of Senegalese Filmmakers,
and other Senegalese university libraries. I will also visit Ougadougou,
Burkina Faso, the site of Africa's largest film festival (FESPACO),
and its extensive film archives.
To further integrate myself into the vibrant cinematic scene in
Dakar, I have communicated with filmmakers associations and registered
for Dakar's annual summer film festival, Festival Image et Vie.
I am reaching out to the female filmmakers whose work I would like
to study in hopes of interviewing or working with them in some capacity.
I have also been permitted to attend some of the events held by
Howard University's NEH African Studies Summer Institute on African
Cinema, which will be held in Dakar during my stay there. By securing
a home-stay with a family in Dakar through a friend currently studying
there and the guidance of Penda Mbow, a professor at Université
Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar and a prominent member of the women's
movement there, I will be able to more fully and responsibly integrate
myself into the social and academic culture of Senegal.
CARA SPITALEWITZ
2005
Embarrassment in French Realist Fiction
Having traced fictional representations of embarrassment in the
works of Laclos, Prévost, Rousseau, Balzac, Flaubert, and
Stendhal, I have become interested in studying the historical underpinnings
of this psychological affect. There is an obvious difference between
the causes of embarrassment in literature written before and after
the French Revolution, and I expect that the change was a result
of rapidly developing codes of manners. How did individuals learn
new standards of behavior in an increasingly post-aristocratic society?
Furthermore, how did embarrassment, as a socialized affect, enforce
shifting class boundaries in post-Napoleonic France? By examining
the 19th-century advice and conduct manuals available in the Bibliothèque
Nationale de France (1), I would be able to get a sense of how detailed
codes of manners actually were, and to what extent manners simply
had to be learned in practice.
Although embarrassment is a highly personal reaction, the public
shaming prevalent in aristocratic circles seems to have traveled
downward to the post-Revolutionary world of the bourgeoisie, manifesting
itself in the feuilletons and gossip columns of petits journaux.
These low-quality newspapers, which flourished in post-Napoleonic
France, indulged in satires, scandals, and personal attacks. My
intention is to study representative petits journaux such as Drapeau
Blanc, Le Réveil, Le Nain Jaune, Le Diable Boiteux, Le Corsaire,
Le Voleur, La Mode, La Silhouette, La Caricature, and Le Charivari,
particularly for the years 1815-1835, which can be found only in
the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Archives Nationales
Françaises. Documents of this sort, which form part of the
thematic material of the French realist novel, are essential to
my task of historicizing a broadly theoretical topic.
The frame for my project starts with a sense that prior to the French
Revolution, references to embarrassment, particularly in fiction,
had strong sexual connotations. Appearing embarrassed, at least
for a woman, was, at times, desirable, as it implied innocence and
purity. A socially experienced female could feign embarrassment
at will, transforming the emotion into a social tool, and a skillful
male could exploit genuine female embarrassment with little more
than a glance. Due to the anxiety about social status caused by
the dissolution of the ancien regime, however, the embarrassment
depicted in post-Revolutionary literature is more often the result
of social faux pas than of sexual feelings. Neither the bourgeoisie
nor the aristocracy seems to have known the appropriate modes of
interaction, and this uncertainty resulted in awkward social situations.
Although the shame resulting from small-scale interactions is often
referred to as embarrassment, both affects ultimately arise from
the same source: a sudden realization of identity.
According to psychologist Silvan Tomkins, "shame is an experience
of the self by the self" (2). In her analysis of Tomkins's
work, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick argues that "shame attaches to
and sharpens the sense of what one is." (3) If shame is so
rooted in self-identity, and can occur in such small-scale situations
as dinner parties or lovers' rendezvous, it would be interesting
to study the extent to which it also operated on a large-scale,
and how it intersected with a newly vibrant, and newly pe rsonalized,
print culture. How common was public shaming after the French Revolution
(as evidenced by articles in petits journaux)? What types of behavior
or personal characteristics were thought to be embarrassing (as
illustrated in conduct manuals)? Although I understand how embarrassment
operates on a psychological level, studying primary source documents
in France would allow me to pinpoint the forces that shaped its
changing representations in the novel, and to construct a more historically
precise genealogy for embarrassment in French realist fiction.
Notes
1. Antoine Sabbagh, Professor at Paris III and "responsable
pedagogique aux Archives Nationales," has assured me of the
availability of these documents.
2. Tomkins, Silvan. Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader.
Ed. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank. Durham: Duke UP, 1995.
136
3. Sedgewick, Eve. Touching Feeling. Durham: Duke UP, 2003.
37
NIKIL SAVAL
2004
The Geography of Nowhere:
Venice and The History of Modernity
In the current thinking about modernity, most of our attention
is directed towards the great urban centers at the fin-de-siècle:
Paris, Vienna, London, and New York. In our critical vocabulary,
we tend to follow and examine Charles Baudelaire, who saw "modernity"
as meaning "the ephemeral, the fugitive, the contingent,"
exemplified in the character of the flaneur who adores the great
"crowds" of urban life. Yet this aesthetic history of
modernity suffers from a glaring omission. What are we to say about
that that other half of modernity which is the "eternal and
the immutable"? What of the other city of modern life? In short-what
about Venice?
The turn-of-the-century witnessed a great effusion of proto-modernist
and modernist art dealing with Venice. Henry James came there to
write The Portrait of a Lady and The Aspern Papers; the city also
formed an important setting for his novel of young mortality and
betrayal, The Wings of the Dove. Meanwhile, the translation of John
Ruskin's Venetian writings into French exerted a strong influence
on the young Marcel Proust and spurred the aged Claude Monet to
produce a series of 32 gorgeous but spectacularly depopulated paintings
of the city, exhibited shortly before his death. During the same
summer that Monet exhibited his paintings, Thomas Mann published
his novella Death in Venice, where the Venetian geography drew upon
a dark distillation of Friedrich Nietzsche and Gustav Mahler, the
Dionysian and the Apollinian.
These artists found in Venice an aesthetic almost completely opposed
to that of modernity; yet through this opposition, the city seemed
to produce modernity by its very absence. The work surrounding Venice
is thus pervaded with an aesthetic of decay and death, while still
haunted by the sense of the city's once overwhelming vibrancy in
its days of empire and cosmopolitanism, those topics that were so
important to the modernists in the "living" cities of
Europe at the same time. My summer work in Venice will involve (after
Franco Moretti) creating a geography of the works in question. Certain
areas in the city-and the geography of the city as a whole-are indelibly
connected with a literary past (for example, the Palazzo Barbaro
and Henry James), and their actual survival owes more to a literary
heritage than to any intrinsic interest in the buildings themselves.
This "fieldwork" will help me to draw out the connections
between Venice's literary, modernist past and its actual, modern
present in order to produce an alternate aesthetic history of modernity,
inclusive of Venice as a modern city.
In addition to this type of work, the improvement of my Italian
while staying in the city will allow me to examine another suppressed
history-that is, writing in Italian about Venice. Writers as diverse
as Gabriele D'Annunzio, F. T. Marinetti, and Italo Calvino have
chosen Venice as a topic of importance to modernity and post-modernity,
though their work has never been analyzed in that context. This
very fact leads to a larger, more difficult problem regarding the
teaching of modern Italian literature in English and Comparative
Literature programs. This fetishization of Venice as an artistic
commodity takes place around the time that English as a discipline
comes into being; yet, for all this lavishing of desire towards
Venice-and, by synecdoche, towards Italy-there has been a concomitant
absence of desire to teach modern Italian literature. During the
summer, resources such as the Universita di Venezia Ca'Foscari will
be enormously helpful. And in the fall, Professor Andrea Malaguti
of the Italian Department has agreed to help me with the study of
Italian literature related to Venice. He has also put me in touch
with Professor Franco Fido of the Italian Department at Harvard.
In addition to the authors I have mentioned above, there are many
other writers for whom Venice was important who could easily fit
into the temporary frame I have articulated here, including Jean-Paul
Sartre, Georg Simmel, Ezra Pound, Lord Byron, Ian McEwan, and Hugo
von Hoffmansthal, not to mention other Italian writers on Venice,
about whom I am just beginning to learn. I mention these authors
here both to emphasize the time range (from Romanticism to Post-Modernism)
that this project could encompass, and the scope that it could achieve,
far beyond the level of an independent study and senior thesis.
JAMES MOORHEAD
2003
In the Celtic ballad tradition, the worlds of oral and literary
culture are intertwined in a complex and fascinating relationship.
Early twentieth century scholars debated the true origins of popular
ballads, over whether they began as individual compositions or as
musical stories that emerged from a collective folk culture. Although
we will probably never be able to prove a definitive answer to this
question, popular ballads seem to be oral in their origins while influenced
by a symbiotic relationship to literary culture. We can trace the
origins of ballads back several centuries, due primarily to the work
of Francis Child, who recorded hundreds of popular ballads from folk
at the end of the nineteenth century. His collection of written music
became known as the “Child ballads.” In the 1950’s,
ethnomusicologist Alan Lomax made seminal sound field-recordings of
these ballads that had survived generations of oral transmission,
providing a recorded archive for the Child ballads as a living tradition.
Over time, the influences that oral culture and literary culture have
had in the preservation of the ballad tradition have changed. While
farmers, tinkers, and working people often learned ballads through
a rite of storytelling, many scholars knew of the ballads only as
a form of written poetry towards the end of the nineteenth century.
In many of the Child ballads such as “The Unquiet Grave”,
elements of the supernatural pervade throughout the story. Frequent
references to ghosts and magicians occur. Child Ballads that abound
with the supernatural have a common origin in the eighteenth century,
whereas earlier balladic references to the supernatural were limited
to Satan or to elves. My project seeks to illuminate what elements
of literary and oral culture influenced the fascination with the supernatural
that appears in the eighteenth century Child ballads. In turn, I hope
to shed light on the general origins of the Child ballads, as well.
Perhaps I will find that the nature of oral storytelling lends itself
more to fantastical references than literature does at the time. I
might find that literature of the eighteenth century is actually a
greater source of supernatural motifs influencing the Child ballads.
As a folk tradition, a point of interest might be whether or not the
oral keepers of the tradition believed in the supernatural motifs
of their stories, and whether present participants of the folk tradition
accept the same motifs as truth.
I plan to research issues of folklore surrounding this question with
the abundant resources of the Folklore Society Library of the Warburg
Institute, London. The Folklore Institute also maintains a rich archival
collection at University College, London. I also plan to take advantage
of the large collection of ballads, criticism, and ballad literature
at the School of Celtic and Scottish Studies, University of Edinburgh.
Aside from literary research, the oral nature of the ballad tradition
calls for a look at how the performance of singing ballads continues
as a living tradition today. Many families, especially in rural areas,
continue to pass down the ballad tradition through each generation.
As a result of the folk revival of the 1960’s, others have pursued
the singing of ballads out of interest or cultural pride. Thus, we
see a time at hand when it becomes difficult to distinguish the impact
of oral culture from that of literary culture in the preservation
of this tradition. By observing how the performance of ballads continues
in taverns, in homes, in festivals, and perhaps on tinker campgrounds,
I hope to gain insight into the current roles that oral and literary
culture play in preserving the tradition. Aside from recording these
performances with a high-quality, portable mini-disc recorder, I hope
to interview performers on their personal experiences as participants
in the ballad tradition. By focusing on the performance of ballads
that reference the supernatural, I hope to gain insight into the oral
and literary elements that influenced this fascination of the eighteenth
century. Moreover, I hope to compare any variants of ballads in my
recordings to those made by Alan Lomax.
I have been in contact with the Folklore Society and the University
of Edinburgh, institutions that have been helpful in directing me
to specific taverns, rural areas, and families that would be willing
to share their traditions. One such area of focus is Aberdeen, home
to many such as the Ritchies and Robertsons, families that continue
the ballad tradition with new generations of performers. I also plan
to attend the Festival of Traditional Singing held at the University
of Aberdeen from July 25 to 27. In addition, I will observe Saturday
night “ceilidhs” hosted by the University of Aberdeen,
parties where locals perform ballads and other folk traditions.
While this aspect of my research is ethnographic, I feel that the
observation and analysis of ballads as they are performed now is essential
to understanding ballads as both a living and literary tradition.
By observing and interviewing present-day performers, I hope to shed
light on the relationship between oral and literary influences of
the past. Specifically, I hope to gain a better understanding of these
influences as they pertain to the eighteenth century balladic fascination
with the supernatural.
As a double major in English and music, I feel that I have a sufficient
background to pursue such a topic of interdisciplinary nature. Professor
Timothy Taylor, the Celtic expert of the music department, has assisted
me in part in understanding the musical aspects of my project. Having
taken a course in ethnomusicology, I feel prepared for the ethnographic
aspects of my research.
MELANIE MICIR
2002
James Joyce's complex relationship with his native Ireland remains
a crucial subject of study for scholars of literature and nation.
Joyce's often contradictory responses to Ireland and Irish culture
range from "affectionate tolerance to impassioned repudiation,"
(1) from sarcastic critique to sincere appreciation. Writing much
of his work in exile, Joyce maintained a careful distance from Ireland
- and from the politics of separatist Irish nationalism, which he
disdained - for much of his life. Despite this geographical separation,
however, his personal preoccupation with Irish culture could hardly
be more apparent, and Joyce himself, once dismissed in Ireland as
an obscene, obscure exile, has become an iconic figure of Irish literature
and culture throughout the world.
My project will examine historical reactions to the celebration of
Bloomsday in order to trace the connection between Joyce's growing
literary celebrity and Irish national culture. (2) Bloomsday explodes
in Dublin on June 16th of each year (3), but the meaning of the celebration
varies, depending on whom you consult. The literary faithful gather
for readings, conferences, tours of the Dublin depicted in Ulysses,
and enthusiastic pub conversations. Yet even as the Joyce industry
booms, Bloomsday increasingly appears to celebrate and commodify Irishness
in general, as much of the population celebrates a national ideal
of "James Joyce" detached from his writing. Richard Ellman
writes, in his biography of Joyce, that "the demands of his country
for national feeling he was prepared to meet, but in his own way.
. . . For the moment, his most basic decision was in favor of art's
precedence over every other human activity. The nation might profit
or not from his experiment, as it chose." (4) I think it's safe
to say that the nation does profit, every year, in the revenue and
publicity produced by Joyce's holiday, which satisfies the demands
for "national feeling" that Ulysses, on its own, could not.
How did Ireland, the last nation to lift the ban on Ulysses, come
to appreciate its most celebrated exile, and to promote his virtual
Dublin as a tourist attraction? How has Bloomsday, a celebration inspired
by a highly critical and difficult modernist text, developed into
what is largely a celebration of Irish culture? How, in turn, is contemporary
Irish culture informed by the legacy of Ulysses? During the course
of this summer's research on Bloomsday, I hope to illuminate the connection
between James Joyce's literary celebrity and the development of Irish
national identity.
Notes
1. Emer Nolan, James Joyce and Nationalism (London: Routledge,
1995), xi.
2. In my research, I will use newspaper, magazine, and journal articles
(from both academic and popular perspectives), anecdotal support from
the scholars, publishers, and politicians who witnessed the gradual
reversal of Joyce's status within Ireland, Joyce and Bloomsday memorabilia,
and Dublin city records to trace the evolution of Bloomsday.
3. Ulysses takes place on June 16, 1904. Although I am concerned
solely with the Dublin celebration, Joyceans celebrate Bloomsday around
the world.
4. Richard Ellman, James Joyce (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1965), 68.
PATRICK W. PEARSALL
2001
Words such as truth, reconciliation, and memory dominate the study
of Human Rights. The language of rights helps give history a voice,
and no city in the 20th century spoke with as many different voices
as Berlin. It spoke to the future as a city of empire, a city of atrocity,
a city of reconciliation, a city of guilt, a city of fracture, and
finally as a city seeking to define itself as a dynamic capital for
the new unified Europe. As Berlin grows, it remains stunted by its
past. World War I, World War II, and the Cold War occupy the center
of Western experience during the last hundred years, providing Berlin
with a powerful position as one of history’s foremost language
givers. The city’s monuments, erected to memorialize the past,
provide traces of the specific language that Berlin sought to leave
for the world’s future.
My project will examine and draw conclusions from inscriptions on
the monuments and memorials of Berlin. I will not read the text on
these memorials and monuments solely within an historical or political
frame, but rather as texts that provide insight into the evolving
vocabulary of human rights. My thesis endeavors to illuminate the
shifts that a vocabulary undergoes when concerned specifically with
memorialized retribution and forgiveness. The paper will trace the
course of Berlin’s self-referential dialogue as it underwent
several important changes in voice and identity in an attempt to conform
with and define the ‘universal’ vocabulary of human rights.
Through an exploration of these shifts, the paper may show that reforming
violators are among the first to adopt the ‘universal’
rhetoric of human rights and thereby claim increased authority over
the dialogue’s vocabulary and future usage. The project seeks
to identify the moments where textual innovations occur, and how these
are vital to understanding the trajectory and influence of post-World
War II human rights language. The repetitive pattern of adoption and
adaptation by violators may show human rights rhetoric as simultaneously
vulnerable to subversion yet effective in proliferation. Finally,
the project will relate this dualism of the ‘universal’
vocabulary as integral in the formation of future human rights discourses.
Memorials and monuments are often the purview of historians or sociologists.
However, these academic disciplines frequently neglect to analyze
the texts of memorials. As we move with greater speed toward a global
ethos that holds human rights as a worthy pursuit with practical utility,
Berlin, so vocal in the rights dialogue of the last century, continues
to speak at the forefront of global discussion. Berlin self-conceptualizes
the past through its memorials and monuments. I hypothesize that the
texts of these structures, erected for public memory, function as
a historical lexicon for human rights vocabulary, and that they may
serve as a platform for the language’s future. Berlin, guilty
of past atrocities, struggles to accept the language of modern rights
rhetoric and thereby establish its usage as worthy to the dialogue
of its memory. In the human rights dialogue of the post-World War
II period, Berlin sits as both the accused and the adjudicator.
Studying in Berlin will give me the necessary access to the fundamental
sources of rights language. By performing close textual analysis of
Berlin’s memorials as they progress from 1918-1945 and then
from the aftermath of World War II to the start of the 21st century,
I hope to find evidence to support a claim that the vocabulary of
human rights indeed requires a grounding in ‘universal’
principles, yet often manifests rhetoric with tremendous mobility.
The expression of these principles in a standardized vocabulary must
leave room for further evolution if the language of human rights is
to exert the same profound force over the next fifty years that it
had over the last half century.
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