THE ICONOGRAPHY OF MANHATTAN ISLAND
 

3 and this time all the staves were waved widdershins, and all the
savages yelled loudly. Upon this Karlsetni's men took a red shield
and raised it in answer. The savages ran from their boats and there¬
upon they met and fought; there was a heavy rain of missiles;
the savages had war-slings too, Karlsefni and Snorri observed
that the savages raised up on a pole a very large globe, closely
resembling a sheep's paunch^and dark in colour, and it Sevrfrom the
pole up on land over the party, and made a terrible noise where it
came down. Upon this a great fear came on Karlsefni and Ills
party, so that they wished for nothing but to get away up stream,
for they thought that the savages viere setting upon them from alt sides,
nor did they hall till they came to some rocks where they made a

"It now appeared to Karlsetni's party that though this country
had good resources yet they would live in a perpetual state of
warfare and alarm on account ot the aborigines. So they prepared
to depart, intending to retum to their own country. They coasted
northward, and found five savages in skins sleeping by the sea;
these had with them receptacles in which was beast's marrow
mixed with blood. They concluded that these men must have
been sent from the country: they killed them. Later on they
discovered a promontory and a quantity of beasts: the promontory
had the appearance of a cake of dung, because the beasts lay there
in the winter. Now they came to Straumstjoid, where there was
plenty of every kind,

"Some men say that Bjarni and Freydis [Hauk's Book gives
Gudrid] stayed there with a hundred men and went no further,
while Karlsefni and Snorri went south with forty men, staying no
longer at H6p than a scant two months, and returning the same
summer. . . . They considered that those mountains viMch were
atHop and those which they nowfoundviere all one, andwere therefore
close opposite one another, and that the distance from Straumsfjord
was the same in both directions. They were at Straumsfjord the
third winter.  .   .  .

"There Karlsetni's son, Snorri, was born the first autumn,
and he was three winters old when they left.

"On sailing from Wineland they got a
Markland. , . ." Here they captured
they learned that "another country lay or
to their own, where people lived who i
uttered loud cries, and carried poles, am
thought that this was Hvitramannaland,
then they came to Greenland, and stayed ■

].         (The following extract is taken from the Flatey Book.)  In the

following year iioi4?], "talk began again [in Greenland] about the
journey to Wineland, for the voyage thither seemed both lucrative
and honourable. The same summer that Karlsefni returned from
Wineland there came a ship from Norway to Greenland, com¬
manded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and they stayed
that winter in Greenland." Freydis, Eric's daughter, "invited
them to go to Wineland with their ship, and divide with her all the
profit they might make out ot it. They consented. From them
she went and interviewed her brother Leif, whom she asked to give
her the houses which he had built in Wineland; but he gave her
the same answer as before [to Karlsefni], that he would lend the
houses but not give them, ,  .  ,"

The brothers reached Wineland first, and took possession ot
Leifs camp. When Freydis arrived with her husband, Thorvard
she insisted that her brother Leif had lent her the houses, and
they therefore "made themselves a camp, which they placed
further from the sea by the shore ot a lake, .  .  .

"Now wjien winter set in the brothers suggested that games
should be started to pass the time. This went on for a while, until
a quarrel arose which led to discord between them, and the games
stopped, and no one went from the one camp to the other. .  .  ."

After this state of affairs had continued for some time, Freydis
persuaded Thorvard to murder all the men in the other camp, and
she herself killed all the women. In the spring they loaded the ship
"with all the good things which they could collect, and the ship
would hold," and after a rapid voyage, "came with their ship to
Ericsfjord early in the summer."

As we have seen, these voyages to Wineland all took place
between 986 and 1025, What we know concerning them was
derived originally entirely from oral traditions. These traditions
first began to be recorded in written form in the third quarter of the
eleventh century, in theDescriptio of the "islands"
 

luth wind, and came to
[wo boys, from whom
the other side, opposite
are white clothes, and
went with flags. It is
r Ireland the Great. So
ith Eric the Red for the
 

the North, which was written then by the well-known Adar
Bremen, but not printed until 1595. This work contains the follow¬
ing reference to Wineland,—"He (King Svein) told me of yet
another island besides, discovered by many in that Ocean, which is
called 'Wineland,' from the fact that there vmes grow naturally,
producing the best wine. Moreover, that corn abounds there
without sowing we have ascertained, not from fabulous conjecture,
but from the reliable (certa) report of the Danes."

At a shghtly later time, probably during the first quarter ot the
twelfth century. An the Learned, the pioneer among Icelandic
historians, composed his IslendingtAok, which has come down to us
only in a highly condensed summary by the author, which, however,
contains one passage of great value as corroborative evidence of the
recognized existence of Wineland and of some of the episodes
related by the sagas at a period scarcely a century after the occur¬
rences described. This passage reads,—"The country which is
called Greenland was discovered and colonized from Iceland. It was
a man called Eric the Red from Breidafjord who went out from
this country, and took land in the place which was afterwards
caUed Ericsfjord: he named the country and called it Greenland,
saying that the fact that the country had a good name would
attract men to Journey thither. They found there, both in the east
and the west of the country, dwellings of men, and fragments
of canoes, and stone implements of a kind from which one could
tell that a race had come (farit) there ot the kind that Inhabited
(bygt) Wineland, and whom the Greenianders call Skraelings.
Now the date when the settlement of that country was started
was from fourteen to fifteen winters before Christianity came here
to Iceland [in 1000], according to an account given to Thorkel
Gellison in Greenland by one who himself accompanied Eric the
Red out."

The Landnamabok, m the authorship ot which Arl evidently
played an important part, although dealing almost exclusively with
the history ot Iceland, contains also one statement of corroborative
importance in this connection. Speaking of An Marsson, who is
there said to have been cast upon Hritramannaland, it continues,—
"which some call Ireland the Great, It lies westward in the sea near
Wineland the Good," from which casual reference it seems evident
that the existence and position ot Wineland were perfectly estaf)-
lisbed and generally known.

Our prima-facie knowledge ot the Wineland voyages is derived
from two apparently independent sources, Hauk's Book, and the
Flatey Book. The story as known to Hauk has come down to us in
two very similar, but not identical, manuscripts, one contained in
his book (Hauk's Book), and written partly in his own hand, prob¬
ably in the first quarter ot the fourteenth century, the other written
in an early fifteenth century hand, and known as the Saga of Eric
the Red. Both manuscripts are probably based on a common written
archetype, daring from the early thirteenth century, and can there¬
fore not properly be said to corroborate each other.

The Flaley Book version, on the other hand, contains much in¬
ternal evidence ot an independent origin; although it was the last
ot the three to assume written form, the existing manuscript prob¬
ably having been written between the years 1370 and 1387, whereas,
from internal evidence, it is clear that the existing manuscript of
Hauk's Book follows an intermediate text written about 1325, and
that similarly the Saga of Eric the Red probably, embodies an even
earlier and better intermediate text.

Leaving aside for the moment the question of the relative trust¬
worthiness ot the two sources, that represented by Hauk's Book,
and that embodied in the Flatey Book, there can be no doubt that,
on the whole, the latter contains the fuller and more interesting
details ot the Wineland voyages, although it is distinctly inferior
to the other versions in connection with the most important of
them all, Kalsefni's.

Quoting Gathorne-Hardy, the latest
Norse voyages to America,—"Bjarni Herjulfs
are recorded in the Flatey Book, and
voyage is represented by
 

^
 

the subject of the
and his adventure
rhere else in literature,
alone as being
 

deliberately undertaken as a result of Bjar
where it is accidental, an episode of a different voyage. A separate
voyage of Thorvald Ericson, terminating in his death, is detailed
in the same account, whereas in the Saga of Eric the Red no such
person is mentioned at ail till the episode of his death, and In
Hauk's Book and the companion manuscript he is represented as
sailing and meeting his death under the auspices of Karlsetni's
expedition. Finally, after Karlsetni's return, we have in the Flaley