To:                               University Senators, Administrators, and Trustees

 

From:                           ROTC Task Force

                              Jim Applegate (Sen., Ten., A&S/NS), co-chair

                              Coco Fusco (Nonsen., NT, Arts)

                              Aaron Lord (Nonsen., Stu., P&S)

                              Joseph McManus (Nonsen., NT, SDOS)

                              Scott Olster (Nonsen., Stu., GS)

                              James Schmid (Sen., Stu., Bus.)

                              Kendall Thomas (Nonsen., Ten., Law)

                              Nathan Walker (Sen. Stu., TC), co-chair                                                          Sean Wilkes (Nonsen., Stu., CC)

                              Peter Woodin (Nonsen, Alum)

 

Date:          May 6, 2005

 

Re:                   Final     Report of the ROTC Task Force

 

 

 


TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

I Abbreviations................................................................................................................ 3

II Executive Summary...................................................................................................... 4

a.       Recommendations

b.      Some Rationales

 

III Report to the University Senate................................................................................... 6

c.       Some Historical Background

Our deliberations............................................................................... 7

–TF composition

–TF meetings

–Outreach......................................................................................... 8

 

d. Some Findings............................................................................................... 10

ROTC and some peer institutions

–Nearby ROTC programs............................................................... 11

Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell...................................................................... 12

–The Solomon Amendment

    

e. Legislative History of TF Recommendations................................................... 14

     –TF resolution of 4/22/05

Senate resolution of 5/6/05.............................................................. 15

     –Representative statements by

                                     TF members of pro and con positions............................................. 17

     –Other relevant statements by

          TF members................................................................................ 20

 

IV Appendices

Appendix 1.  Final Voting Results of Task Force................................................ 22

Appendix 2.  Summary of Deliberations by Rationale.......................................... 23

Appendix 3.  January 23, 1976 Senate Resolution and

Report on ROTC ............................................................... 24

Appendix 4.   Proposal to Return ROTC to

Columbia’s Campus (April 2004)........................................ 36

Appendix 5.   ROTC Web page, Senate Web site............................................. 42

Appendix 6.   Three Student Government Resolutions........................................ 43

Appendix 7.   University Petition with over 600 signatures.................................. 45

Appendix 8.   Task Force Report to the Senate,

April 15, 2005..................................................................... 46

Appendix 9.   Task Force Members’ Statements at

                                           the Senate, April 15, 2005........................................................ 47

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I.                  ABBREVIATIONS

 

CU             Columbia University

DADT        Don’t Ask Don’t Tell Don’t Harass Don’t Pursue[1]

DOD          Department of Defense

LGBT        Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender

ROTC        Reserve Officer Training Corps

TF              ROTC Task Force


II.              EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

 

 

Recommendations

a.       The ROTC Task force was split (5-5-0)[2] on whether or not ROTC should return to Columbia University in the 2006/7 academic year. 

                                                               i.      The Task Force unanimously agrees that the military’s discrimination against homosexuals, as seen in the federal law DADT, is inconsistent with the values of the community as expressed in the University’s non-discrimination policy.  However, the Task Force is evenly split on whether or not DADT should prevent the immediate return of ROTC to campus.

                                                             ii.      The Task Force was split on whether or not the return of ROTC would have a negative or positive impact on the campus climate. 

b.      Almost unanimously (9-0-1) the Task Force favored returning ROTC if there is no longer discrimination against LGBT service-members in the military.

                                                               i.      A majority of the Task Force agrees that there are significant benefits in returning ROTC, such as financing students’ education and Columbia’s participation in training military leaders. 

c.       No one agreed (0-6-4) with the following statement: Under no circumstance should ROTC return to Columbia University.

d.      A majority (7-1-2) voted in favor of strengthening the relationship with the current ROTC programs at Fordham and Manhattan College by securing more positions to accommodate more CU students.

e.       Almost unanimously (9-0-1) the Task Force recommended that the University Trustees establish a financial contingency plan to protect LGBT students who may be victims of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.

f.        It was unanimous (10-0-0) that if ROTC returns then Columbia University should maintain full and independent control over questions such as academic credit for ROTC courses, titles for ROTC instructors, and the use of Columbia’s classroom, office, and training space for ROTC functions.

                                                               i.      A majority of the committee believed that the use of University resources such as classroom, office, and training space could be a reason why ROTC should not return.

 

Some rationales

g.       Five members voted in favor of the return of ROTC in the 2006/7 academic year, or as soon as is practicable.  They all oppose DADT, but believe the best way to reform it is through engagement with the military. They believe the main benefits of an on-campus ROTC program—above all Columbia’s ability and responsibility to educate military leaders—outweigh the harmful effects of DADT. Additionally, an on-campus ROTC presence would enrich the diversity of ideas, viewpoints, and values within the Columbia community. 

h.       The five members who oppose returning ROTC in 2006/7 believe that such a decision would not only violate Columbia’s nondiscrimination policy but also amount to an explicit institutional endorsement of DADT, legitimizing a culture of homophobia on campus.  They believe such an outcome would directly violate the human rights of LGBTColumbians, threaten other protected groups, and challenge the right of every member of our community to live and learn in an environment free of institutionalized discrimination, a principle that an institution of Columbia’s stature must support. 


III.             REPORT TO THE UNIVERSITY SENATE

 

 

SOME HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

 

Columbia first hosted military training programs in the 19th century. The University was the site for naval officer training programs during World War I, and began its relationship with the Naval ROTC in the 1940s. Serious challenges to ROTC’s standing at Columbia began in the mid-1960s. In May 1965 students opposed to growing U.S. involvement in Vietnam protested an ROTC annual awards ceremony on Low Plaza, and several were arrested. Over the next few years student agitation escalated against the Vietnam War (and visible manifestations like ROTC), culminating in the rebellion of April 1968. At the same time, faculty members’ academic doubts about ROTC led to a lengthy review of the program’s instruction and curriculum, with strongly negative results. In March 1969 a faculty-student committee chaired by government professor Harvey Mansfield recommended stripping ROTC courses of academic credit and ROTC instructors of Columbia faculty titles, essentially demoting ROTC to a kind of extracurricular status. After the Department of Defense made clear that current legislation would not allow ROTC programs under such conditions, the Trustees decided to phase out ROTC at Columbia, allowing cadets already in the program to complete their ROTC training along with their degrees.

 

The trustees announced the termination of ROTC in May 1969, along with the launching of a new institution—a university senate, designed as a reform for structural weaknesses in university governance that were believed to have contributed to the cataclysm of 1968. This new institution addressed ROTC more than once in its early years, but its definitive statement came in January 23, 1976, in a resolution and report of a special committee to study ROTC chaired by engineering professor John K. Tien. The resolution (Appendix 3) reaffirmed the basic recommendations of the Mansfield Committee, in setting conditions for any future return of ROTC—that academic credit for ROTC courses and titles will be determined only by Columbia faculty, that “no degree may be withheld for reasons beyond the control of the university, and that “there shall be adequate safeguards for the academic freedom of the participants.” The resolution also allows students to withdraw from their contracts with the armed services if they make provision for repayment “without the punitive service liabilities now contingently applicable; nor may the contract require the student to forego the exercise of ordinary civil rights.” The accompanying report doubted that ROTC could meet such requirements: “As currently constituted, ROTC programs exert a degree of control over student and institution alike which remains unacceptable to Columbia University.” The report concludes that while Columbia customarily entrusts decisions about new programs and appointments to its schools and departments, “any negotiations for an ROTC program are subject to the approval of the University Senate….”

 

A number of issues in the 1976 report reverberate today. One prompt for the committee’s work was the threat of sanctions—such as the 1972 Hebert Amendment—against institutions that refused to cooperate with the DOD over ROTC programs. Universities actively opposed the amendment, which never became law. But the DOD exacted other sanctions, enrolling fewer DOD personnel in academic programs at Columbia and other institutions. These restrictions were lifted in September 1975.

The report also notes current efforts by universities to persuade the DOD to establish regional ROTC programs that could accommodate students from several schools. It also indicates that several Columbia students were participating in ROTC programs at other New York universities, a practice that the DOD was not encouraging at the time, but allowing.

 

OUR DELIBERATIONS:

 

The 1976 resolution was the Senate’s last pronouncement on ROTC, until now.

On March 26, 2004, the University Senate established the Task Force on ROTC to study a proposal to restore an on-campus ROTC program (Appendix 4) whose principal author was Sean Wilkes, a Columbia College student and cadet in the Fordham Army ROTC program who was later appointed to our Task Force.

 

Task Force Composition

Our Task Force was to have six students, five faculty, and one alumnus. The founding resolution assigned responsibility for appointing the members to the Senate Executive Committee, but the Student Affairs Committee successfully amended this procedure on the floor, providing for the Education Committee to appoint two of the faculty members and two of the students; for Faculty Affairs to appoint the other three faculty members, and for Student Affairs to appoint the other four students. Alumni Relations was asked to appoint the alumni member.

One student appointee, Derek Wilder (nonsen., GS), had to withdraw from the Task Force before the first meeting in the fall. He was replaced by Sen. James Schmid (Bus.). Two other original members, Sens. Robert Pollack (Ten., A&S/NS) and Sean Kelly (Stu., SEAS), were unable to attend most meetings last fall, and stepped down in February. They were not replaced, and the Task Force finished its work with 10 members.

 

Task Force Meetings

The Task Force met for the first time last October, and has met more than a dozen times. Guests at its regular meetings have included the following:

--Steven Brozak, a 1982 GS graduate with two decades of military service, and an advocate for restoring ROTC to institutions like Columbia as a step toward reform of the military.

--Prof. Michael Rosenthal, who served as Associate Dean of Columbia College for nearly two decades, and helped arrange off-campus ROTC opportunities for undergraduates in the early 1980s.

--Jeff Williams, a third-year Columbia law student, a 2002 graduate of Columbia College, and an opponent of ROTC.

--Beryl Abrams, an associate general counsel at Columbia University.

 

 

 

 

Outreach

The Task Force sought the views of the Columbia community in several ways, which are all listed on the Task Force page of the University Senate Web site (www.columbia.edu/cu/senate/, and Appendix 5) with links to the documents that resulted.

Emails

The Task Force solicited e-mails from the Columbia community in early February on the question of returning ROTC to Columbia, and has since received more than 120 messages and documents, representing a range of views. To encourage free expression, the Task Force offered anonymity to e-mail contributors.

Letters

Apart fom the e-mail collection, the Task Force has received a dozen letters, mostly from pro-ROTC alumni.

Student government resolutions

The student governments of General Studies, Law, and Union Theological Seminary sent formal resolutions opposing the return of ROTC (Appendix 6).

Petitions

A petition opposing the return of ROTC, written by Prof. Ilan Meyer of the School of Public Health and signed by more than 600 faculty, students, administrators, alumni, and staff of Columbia University, was presented to the Senate on April 15. The text of the petition is available here as Appendix 7; the full document, with signatures, is available in the Senate Office, 406 low.

Town hall meeting

On February 15, 2005, the Task Force held an open town hall meeting in the Davis Auditorium of the Schapiro Engineering Building on the question, Should Columbia Restore ROTC? All but one member of the Task Force were there, and a total of about 100 people attended the meeting, which ran nearly an hour past its two-hour allotment. Most of the roughly 55 people who lined up to speak were students, but there were also a few faculty, alumni, and others. The comments ran about 3 to 2 against restoring ROTC now. A full transcript of the meeting is available on the Senate Web site.

 

Special Senate session of April 15, 2005

A preliminary report of the conclusions of the Task Force was on the agenda of the Senate’s April 1 plenary, but it had to be postponed when another group claimed the meeting room at 3 pm—nearly two hours into the meeting—before the Task Force could report. So President Bollinger authorized a special Senate meeting devoted exclusively to ROTC two weeks later, on April 15. About 35 senators attended, along with about 15 spectators. A full transcript of the meeting, which ran over two hours, is available on the Senate Web site.

Regular Senate meetings

                                                               i.      Today’s plenary meeting is the sixth in the past year with ROTC on the agenda. The others are:

March 26, 2004

April 30, 2004

January 28, 2005

February 25, 2005

April 15, 2005

Proceedings of these meetings are on the Senate Web site.


SOME FINDINGS

 

 

ROTC and Some Peer Institutions

Six of the eight Ivy schools dismissed ROTC during the Vietnam War—Columbia, Harvard, Brown, Yale, Dartmouth, and Princeton. Princeton and Dartmouth reinstated their programs during the 1970s. All four schools that are now without programs of their own send students to ROTC programs at other colleges. Some send only a few, like Columbia (9, see below), Brown (2 to an Army ROTC program at nearby Providence College), and Yale (3 to the Air Force program at U Conn/Storrs, 75 miles away). 

Harvard now has a contingent of 40 students in the Army ROTC program at nearby MIT.  The Harvard faculty voted to end its connection with ROTC in 1969, and the ROTC building was burned to the ground a year later. But before long students were participating in a program at MIT, with some payments to MIT from the Harvard administration. The faculty voted to end this financial arrangement in the early 1990s in protest against discrimination against homosexuals in the military, and to bar ROTC commissioning exercises from the Harvard campus. But some alumni donors assumed the costs of participation in the MIT program, and the administration has held ROTC ceremonies on campus, with President Summers in attendance, despite the faculty ban. ROTC supporters are pursuing an active campaign to establish a small, formal ROTC presence at Harvard.

Cornell and Penn have active, longstanding on-campus ROTC programs. The Penn NROTC program, founded in 1940. hosts a Philadelphia consortium of schools, including Drexel and Temple universities. Thirty-two Penn students are involved. This consortium is also part of a larger unit with Villanova. Penn’s College of Liberal Arts does not credit NROTC courses toward the bachelor’s degree, but other Penn divisions do, including the Wharton School.

Cornell has Army, Navy and Air Force programs, and a total of XX students involved

The Dartmouth ROTC program, restored during the 1970s, survived a concerted attempt to terminate it again in 1994 when the Trustees rejected a faculty resolution calling for its ouster on account of DADT. Now about a dozen Dartmouth students take ROTC on campus, trained by an officer from Norwich University, which is about an hour way. The only credit toward the bachelor’s degree for ROTC offerings is physical education course credit.

PRINCETON: If Columbia were to decide to establish an on-campus ROTC detachment, it would most likely follow the Princeton model.  Princeton retrenched its ROTC program in 1970, but brought it back two years later in a different form. Since 1972 it has had the status of an extracurricular activity, without academic credit for its courses or professorial titles for its instructors.  Thirty-two Princeton students are now enrolled in the program.

Princeton’s “elite” Army program grants “full-tuition-and-fees, plus an annual book allowance of $600 and monthly spending allowances… which adds up to $31,000 for freshmen and $32,500 for seniors” (Princeton Army ROTC website, April 14, 2005).  Hypothetically, if 40 Columbia students were to enroll in an on-campus Army ROTC program, the DOD would provide $1.2 million in tuition benefits for these students. Any need-based financial aid that these students would have received from Columbia could then be directed to other Columbia students.

MIT provides on-campus Army, Navy and Air Force ROTC programs for a total of 144 students (68 of their own), including contingents from Harvard, Tufts, Wellesley, and other local schools. In 1997, in response to a faculty resolution, MIT promised to guarantee to any MIT students who might be expelled from ROTC because of their sexual orientation a financial package (e.g., “contingency plan”) equal to what they would have received from the Institute. Since 1997 MIT has not yet had to act on that promise.

 

Columbia Students and Nearby ROTC Programs

 

AIR FORCE PROGRAM AT MANHATTAN COLLEGE: Columbia is one of 40 schools that send students to train at the regional Air Force ROTC program based at Manhattan College, seven miles from Morningside Heights.  According to Col. Bob Ciala, five Columbia students are currently enrolled, and all five receive funds that apply to their Columbia tuition.  He writes, “4 receive 4-yr, full scholarships; the other one is a 3-yr scholarship.… [those on] type 1 scholarships receive the full $30,000 [to cover Columbia tuition].”  Asked whether their program could accommodate more Columbia students, the Colonel replied, “YES…as many QUALITY STUDENT/LEADERS as you can send us!” 

The Colonel brought to our attention Title 10 United States Code, Section 2102, which outlines the requirements Columbia University would have to meet should it reinstate ROTC.  In summary, it states: (1) the university must make the request to establish an Air Force ROTC detachment; (2) the senior officer assigned to that institution will be given the academic rank of professor; (3) the institution adopts, as a part of its curriculum, a course of military instruction, which the secretary of the military prescribes and conducts; and (4) [in order to establish a detachment] there will be no less than 40 students enrolled (Ciala, email correspondence April 12, 2005).  The Colonel also states, “the opening of a detachment [at Columbia University] may necessitate the closure of another and would not allow the optimal use of our limited resources…. The [Air Force] ROTC is not planning to open any new detachments except in areas where a large minority population is not currently being served.” 

 

NEW YORK CITY ARMY PROGRAM AT FORDHAM: Columbia University is one of 50 schools in the area that sends students to participate in the New York City Army ROTC program housed at Fordham University, seven miles from here.  According to Major Riley 4 Columbia students who participate, two of whom are on scholarship.  He says, “One will be on scholarship in the Fall and the other is deciding if Army ROTC is the right choice for her.”  When asked about a potential increase of seats for Columbia students, the Major replied, “With the number of cadets currently enrolled, we could accommodate triple the number of Columbia students we currently have.”  He goes on to say, “Virtually all students that qualify… will receive at least a two-year scholarship [of $17,000 each year].”  The amount is the same for any of the 113 cadets who currently enroll in the New York City Army ROTC program. 

Funding v. Scholarships:

It is worth noting that ROTC funds are not fundamentally “scholarships,” but rather advanced contracts.  In order to receive the funds, one must become a “contracted” cadet or midshipman, signing an agreement to complete the ROTC program and to serve for a number of years after graduation (4 on active duty, or 8 in the Reserves). Students continue to receive funding for the remainder of their involvement.

DON’T ASK, DON’T TELL:

Not all citizens of the United States are eligible for ROTC funds because of a longstanding military policy and practice of excluding homosexuals from the military.  In 1993 Congress codified the policy of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, a “compromise” struck earlier that year, at the outset of the Clinton administration, that was intended to ease the previous outright ban by allowing gays to serve as long as they were silent about their sexuality. But under DADT an undergraduate student enrolled in ROTC could be tried publicly for engaging in a “homosexual act,” which the DOD defines as “any bodily contact, actively undertaken or passively permitted, between members of the same sex for the purpose of satisfying sexual desires and any bodily contact (for example, hand-holding or kissing) that a reasonable person would understand to demonstrate a propensity or intent to engage in such an act” (DODD 1332.14 E3.A4.1.2.4.1).  If found guilty the student would be discharged and required by law to reimburse any funds previously received. 

Since the establishment of DADT in 1993, some 10,000 GLBT servicemembers have been discharged from the military because of their sexual orientation.

 

THE SOLOMON AMENDMENT

Most law schools determined that the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy, like the military’s earlier bans on homosexuality, violated their own nondiscrimination policies, and they accordingly barred military recruiters from their campuses.

In 1995 Congress responded with the first of the so-called Solomon Amendments, which denied DOD funds to any law school that barred military recruiters. In subsequent years Congress expanded the reach of the Solomon Amendment to deny funds from three other federal agencies to uncooperative law schools, and later to deny all of these types of funds to their parent universities.

Faced with the loss of many millions of dollars in financial aid and other federal funding, many universities, including Columbia, made the difficult decision to exempt the DOD from its nondiscrimination policies and to allow military recruiters on campus.

On October 29, 2004, President George W. Bush signed an addition to the law—written by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-CA)—providing that institutions that bar ROTC programs from their campuses or prohibit their students from attending ROTC programs off campus will also face the loss of federal funding.

A month later, on November 29, 2004, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit ruled the Solomon Amendment unconstitutional, as an abridgment of the First Amendment rights of law schools to express their opposition to DOD policies. the DOD appealed, and on May 2, 2005, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case and plans to rule by June of 2006.

There has not yet been an attempt to enforce the added ROTC-related provisions of the Solomon Amendment.

 

 

 

 

LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF TASK FORCE RECOMMENDATIONS:

 

The Task Force distributed a preliminary report to the Senate for the April 1 meeting, and then, when discussion of ROTC was postponed, presented a revised preliminary report at the special April 15 Senate meeting (Appendix 8).

At that meeting the members of the Task Force each made presentations (Appendix 9), which revealed some of the dilemmas the group faced. On the first question, an up-or-down vote on returning ROTC as soon as practical despite DADT, the group was evenly split, 5-5. They also acknowledged that the near-unanimous vote to support returning ROTC to Columbia if there is no discrimination against GLBT servicemembers was based on a misunderstanding, derived from the ambiguity of the word ‘if.” The clause “if there is no discrimination” could be understood as a hypothetical, counterfactual statement or as a necessary condition (as in, if and only if there is no discrimination. The five members who voted against returning ROTC despite DADT understood themselves to be voting for the second, stronger version of the “if” clause, but the five supporters of ROTC in the up-or-down vote could not support the second version precisely because they had already voted to restore ROTC despite DADT on the first question.

The Task Force sought a compromise again at a meeting a week later, on April 22, and subsequently 6 of the 10 members approved the following resolution:

 

Resolution to ESTABLISH a Reserve Officer Training corps Program at Columbia University IN THE EVENT THAT GAY, LESBIAN, AND bisexual service-members ARE PERMITTED TO serve openly in the U.S. military.

 

 

Whereas   five of the ten members of the Senate Task Force on ROTC voted to support the establishment of an ROTC program at Columbia University in the 2006-07 academic year, and

 

Whereas   five of the ten members of the ROTC Task Force voted to support the establishment of an ROTC program at Columbia only if gay, lesbian, and bisexual service members are permitted to serve openly in the military, and

 

Whereas   all students at Columbia University should have an equal opportunity to train as military leaders, and

 

Whereas   the military’s current policies and practices with respect to gay, lesbian, and bisexual persons are inconsistent with the values of the Columbia community, as expressed in the University’s official non-discrimination policy;

 

Therefore be it resolved              that in the event that gay, lesbian, and bisexual service-members are permitted to serve openly in the military, Columbia should establish an on-campus ROTC program, and

 

Therefore be it resolved              that in the event that an on-campus ROTC program is established at Columbia, the University should maintain full and independent control over decisions regarding such matters as the award of academic credit, titles of ROTC instructors, and the program’s use of classroom, office, and training space, and

 

Therefore be it resolved              that Columbia will continue to support those students who participate in area ROTC programs and will notify students of their eligibility for the tuition stipends offered through the ROTC programs offered at Manhattan College and Fordham University, and

 

Be it finally resolved                    that Columbia adopt a contingency plan to offset the financial consequences to lesbian, gay, and bisexual students who are separated from ROTC programs  because of their sexual orientation.

 

Proponent: Task Force on ROTC

 

 

The Executive Committee did not accept the compromise resolution at their meeting a few days later, on April 25, for two main reasons: the resolution seemed to commit the university to a conditional policy at an uncertain future date, and the explicit linkage between ROTC and the end of DADT entailed political and legal risks, particularly given the recent ROTC-related additions to the Solomon Amendment. The Executive Committee voted 7-2-1 to replace the Task Force resolution with a straight-up-or-down resolution to restore ROTC as soon as is practical, despite DADT. According to Executive Committee chairman Paul Duby, the idea behind the substitute was to offer a clear, unambiguous choice—without taking a position on the merits of the main question—to be made by the whole Senate. The result, before you for action today, was the following resolution which was composed by ROTC Task Force co-chair Jim Applegate:

 

 

 

University Senate                                                                                  Proposed: May 6, 2005

 

                                                                                                            Adopted:

 

 

RESOLUTION TO ESTABLISH

 

A RESERVE OFFICER TRAINING CORPS (ROTC)

 

PROGRAM AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

 

 

WHEREAS          the Armed Forces are an essential, permanent, and unique part of American society, and

 

WHEREAS          the ROTC programs based in our nation's colleges and universities produce a significant fraction of our military officers and future military leaders, and

 

WHEREAS          the maintenance of our Armed Forces is the collective responsibility of all Americans, and

 

WHEREAS          Columbia University educates leaders in many fields of human endeavor, and

 

WHEREAS           the better educated America's military leaders are, the better off America and the world will be,

 

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED           that Columbia University should seek to establish an ROTC program as soon as is practicable, subject to the following conditions:

 

Columbia University must retain the right to award or deny credit towards a Columbia degree for ROTC courses, and

 

The titles at Columbia University of ROTC instructors must be appropriate for their level of education and professional accomplishment as judged by Columbia's criteria, and

 

Columbia must retain control of the use of its physical space and other resources by the ROTC program.

 

Proponent: Executive Committee

 


REPRESENTATIVE STATEMENTS BY TASK FORCE MEMBERS OF PRO AND CON POSITIONS ON RESOLUTION TO RESTORE ROTC

 

Of the many statements that Task Force members have made over the last several months, we offer here two representative ones on the resolution before you today, the first for the pro position, the second for the con position.

 

 

                                                                                          April 29, 2005

 

THE CASE FOR ROTC AT COLUMBIA

 

James H. Applegate

Professor of Astronomy

Co-Chair, Task Force on ROTC

 

        The armed forces of the United States of America are an essential, permanent, and unique part of American society.  From its creation, the U.S. military has been subject to civilian control.  It is founded on the idea that military service is a reasonable demand for a democratic society to impose on its citizens, and that the nation is best off if defended by citizen-soldiers.  The ideal of the citizen-soldier had eroded deeply since the Vietnam war, and the idea that the maintenance of our Armed Forces is the collective responsibility of all Americans has been all but forgotten.  The civilian-military gap is now so deep and wide at a university like Columbia that the two sides hardly recognize each other.

        It is in this context that a group of students and alumni have proposed the return of ROTC to Columbia.  I have studied their proposal carefully and support it.  I urge you to consider the proposal with care. In my view the arguments against ROTC come quickly and arise from our

looking inward and seeing Columbia in isolation.  The arguments in favor of ROTC come more slowly and arise from our looking outward and seeing Columbia in its proper role in our country and the world.

        The world in which we live is a more complex place than it was during the cold war, and the role of our military is correspondingly more complex and subtle.  From peacekeeping missions to relief operations to local wars, America's military leaders need to be well educated in the history, culture, politics, and sensibilities of the world's diverse population in order to do their jobs and to represent our nation abroad.  The better educated America's military leaders are, the better off America and the world will be.  Columbia educates leaders in many fields of human endeavor.  Columbia can and should play its part in educating America's military leaders.

The establishment of an ROTC program at Columbia is an important step in Columbia playing its role, and in helping those Columbia students who wish to serve our country in the armed forces in being able to do so.

        The University must insist on certain conditions if ROTC is to return.  Columbia must retain the right to award or deny academic credit for ROTC courses.  These decisions should be made by the appropriate Committees on Instruction.  Columbia must retain control of all titles at Columbia.  The officers who teach ROTC courses here should receive titles that are appropriate for their level of education and professional accomplishment as judged by Columbia's criteria.  In addition, the University must retain control of its physical space and other resources.

        The opponents of returning ROTC to Columbia base their arguments on the University's nondiscrimination policy.  This policy must be understood in the proper context.

        The purpose of the University is the education of its students, and the creation of new knowledge through scholarship and research.  The values which sustain us in this endeavor are the freedom of speech and of inquiry, the right to express one's views in a forceful but respectful manner and the obligation to respect the right of others to do the same, openness and honesty in our inquiry and teaching.  Collectively, this is what we call academic freedom.  This is what we are about.

        The University has developed policies which sustain us in what we do. These are important policies, but secondary to the core values expressed in academic freedom.  Our policies on admission and financial aid are very important because they determine who the students are, but they do not define us.  Need-blind admissions is very important to Columbia College, but it

does not define the College.  The University's nondiscrimination policy should be understood as one of these supporting policies, not as a defining one.

        We should not read Columbia's nondiscrimination policy as literally as the opponents of ROTC would have us read it.  For example, our policy states that we do not discriminate on the basis of race in admissions.  We certainly do use race as one factor among many in admissions, and President Bollinger successfully argued for our right to continue to do so before the Supreme Court two summers ago.  The literal reading of the nondiscrimination policy the opponents of ROTC would impose on us would justify the position of those who oppose using race as a factor in admissions and forbid us from doing so.

        Bringing ROTC to Columbia would expand and make more visible on campus a program and career path that, for practical purposes, is open to some Columbia students but not others for reasons the community finds to be discrimination.  The opponents of ROTC argue the armed forces are "just another discriminating employer," and should be excluded from campus for

this reason.  I cannot think of more powerful evidence of the erosion of the idea that the maintenance of our Armed Forces is the collective responsibility of all Americans, or demonstration of the depth and breadth of the civilian-military gap at Columbia than the fact that this statement is made so frequently and has gone unchallenged for so long.

        Columbia's nondiscrimination policy is important, but the burden of proof is very much on those who would use it to justify Columbia's avoiding a collective responsibility.  The standard of proof is very high, and I do not believe that their arguments rise to it.

        The ten members of the Task Force are united in their opposition to DADT, which we believe to be bad policy and fundamentally wrong.  We do not disagree on issues of principle.  We do disagree on strategy and tactics. The five of us who voted for the immediate return of ROTC argue that our most effective way of abolishing DADT is to engage the issue and do what

a university does best—teaching.  We argue that, by far, the most powerful agent of change we can provide is Columbia-educated leaders for the military. Our opponents argue that the University should withdraw from the issue and boycott the military until DADT is abolished.  They argue that this is a moral high ground.  We argue that they are avoiding the issue.  You cannot affect change without engaging an issue.  Universities are vital when they educate and irrelevant when they boycott.

        The opponents of ROTC argue that the establishment of an ROTC program at Columbia is equivalent to an institutional endorsement of DADT by Columbia.  This is false.  The University does not and should not support or oppose political statements or causes with its affiliations.

A Columbia ROTC program is no more a Columbia endorsement of DADT than is Columbia's welcoming of students and scholars from a foreign nation a Columbia endorsement of the form of government, foreign policy, or human rights record of that nation.

        One of the key lessons Americans collectively learned from the Vietnam experience is that it is a tragic mistake to confuse the military with the uses to which it is put by our civilian leaders.  Those who argue that support for ROTC is support for the Iraq war have failed to learn this important lesson.  In addition, some argue that bringing ROTC to Columbia would politicize the campus.  This is probably true, but it a development we should not fear, but embrace.  A continuing debate about the relationship between the individual and the state, and about the proper role of the military in a democratic society is something that a university should

welcome.

        Shunning the military is a choice that a private university is free to make.  It is not a choice that Americans collectively are free to make.  It is a choice that Columbia should not make.  It is time to welcome ROTC back to Columbia.

 

 

May 4, 2005

 

THE CASE ARGUING AGAINST THE IMMEDIATE RETURN OF ROTC

 

Nathan C. Walker

Co-Chair, Task Force on ROTC

Ed.D. student, Teachers College Columbia University (’08)

M.Div. student, Union Theological Seminary (’05)

 

Summary: Columbia University should not return ROTC to campus because (1) there is no demonstrated need; (2) adequate funding is currently available; (3) there is no demonstrated hardship; (4) the return of ROTC is a potential financial threat to the regional ROTC programs; (5) the University’s commitment to train military leaders is not contingent upon an “elite” Columbia ROTC program; (6) the military’s discriminatory practices are in direct violation of the University’s non-discrimination policy; and (7) the return of ROTC to campus will not reform the military’s discriminatory practices.

 

1)      There is No Demonstrated Need:  Only 4 Columbia students participate in the New York City Army ROTC program housed at Fordham; only 5 Columbia students currently participate in the regional Air Force ROTC program at Manhattan College.  As a result, the proponents of ROTC failed to demonstrate that over 60 students would participate in an “elite” Columbia ROTC program. 

 

2)      Adequate Funding is Currently Available: Columbia students who participate in the regional ROTC programs are eligible for $17,000 a year through the New York City Army ROTC program and over $30,000 through the Air Force ROTC program.  These funds are directly applied to cadets’ tuition at Columbia.  Put simply, the proponents failed to demonstrate how the current funding opportunities are lacking.

 

3)      There is No Demonstrated Hardship:  There is no compelling reason why a ROTC program should be housed at Columbia when over 50 neighboring schools enroll students in regional ROTC programs (Manhattan College and Fordham).  The proponents failed to demonstrate how 9 students traveling 7 miles constitute a hardship.  Thousands of Columbia students currently participate in extracurricular athletics, internships, and professional development opportunities throughout the city. 

4)      The creation of a ROTC program at Columbia would be a financial threat to regional ROTC programs.  According to  Col. Bob Ciala of the Air Force ROTC, housed at Manhattan College, “the opening of a detachment [at Columbia University] may necessitate the closure of another and would not allow the optimal use of our limited resources… The AFROTC is not planning to open any new detachments except in areas where a large minority population is not currently being served.”  Therefore, the proponents fail to demonstrate how an “elite” ROTC program at Columbia University would benefit military leadership when its return to campus could threaten the funding for 50 area schools who attend NYC regional ROTC programs.

 

5)      Military leadership is not contingent upon a Columbia ROTC program: Hundreds of Columbia graduates have held leadership positions in the U.S. Military.  Therefore, Columbia University does not need its own "elite" ROTC program to secure military leadership.  Moreover, Columbia adequately advertises its participation in regional ROTC programs, which allows for professional development opportunities. 

 

6)      Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell violates Columbia’s non-discrimination policy:  The military's discriminatory practices (i.e., Don't Ask Don't Tell Don't Harass Don't Pursue) violates Columbia University’s non-discrimination policy and New York City Human Rights Law, Title 8, §8-107, which makes it unlawful to discriminate against people because of their sexual orientation.  The proponents continue to equate the DADT with the “discriminatory practices of Barnard’s admissions and the University’s fraternities and sororities.”  This demonstrates the proponents’ inability to understand the U.S. Supreme court’s definition of “invidious” v. “benign” discrimination.  An institution, such as the military, that engages in invidious discrimination is not compatible with a private institution that explicitly upholds the principles of non-discrimination.

 

7)      A Columbia ROTC Program Cannot Reform the Military’s Discriminatory Practices: The return of ROTC to Columbia University will not reform the discriminatory policies of the military.  There are only three ways DADT will be overturned: (a) an executive order by the U.S. President; (b) a Congressional act; (c) a U.S. Supreme Court ruling.  Therefore, the proponents fail to demonstrate how the return of ROTC to campus will reform the military’s discriminatory practices.

 

In closing, there is no evidence to suggest there is a problem with the current relationship with the regional ROTC programs and no demonstrated urgency for the immediate return of ROTC to campus.

 

 


OTHER RECENT STATEMENTS BY TASK FORCE MEMBERS

 

April 29, 2005

Scott Olster

Nonsen., Stu., General Studies (’05)

 

As a member of the University Senate’s ROTC Task Force, I have had the privilege to witness and engage in most discussions concerning the military program’s potential return to our community.  In the latest weeks of this sensitive debate, I have noticed that emotions on both sides, even among the task force, are heightening and the quality of reflection of opposing viewpoints is weakening.  In the wake of this deterioration, I would like to express a few (hopefully reflective) thoughts on the debate as I currently see it. 

 

The ROTC Task Force was asked to deliberate whether the program’s return to our community was in the best interest of the university.  The task force met on a series of occasions to acquire more knowledge of the ROTC program itself, the level of interest among the Columbia community for the program’s return, and the action that other universities have taken in the recent past, among other issues. 

 

The vehement convictions of many of the task force members frequently precluded the possibility of seeking creative compromises.  Instead, much of our debate focused on the same ideological disagreements.  The Department of Defense’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) policy was deemed inconsistent with our university’s policies and ideals, but the task force was split as to how to effectively respond to the discriminatory policy.   

 

At present, DADT stands in direct contradiction to our university’s non-discrimination policy.  The ideals of constructive engagement, while impressively idealistic, do not solve the contradiction entirely.  Constructive engagement proposes a hope in the future that Columbia ROTC cadets will serve an influential role in the revocation of DADT.  If we accepted constructive engagement as the sole reason to bring ROTC back to Columbia, we would need to inform the entire LGBT community and their allies that their rights are being denied on our campus because we have a hunch.  A university responsible for a diverse community with a wide array of needs cannot act in this manner.

 

ROTC proponents claim that denying the program’s return is an act of hypocrisy because of Columbia’s receipt of federal funding for research affiliated with national defense initiatives and because Columbia students are going off campus to participate in the ROTC anyway. 

 

First, Columbia cannot, by law, restrict its students from participating in off-campus ROTC programs.  And, more importantly, the role of the university, as I see it, is to take positions on issues with careful consideration and with the acknowledgement that not all matters concerning the university-government relationship are the same.  It is irresponsible and naïve to conflate the university’s acceptance of federal grants with the return of the ROTC.  They are separate issues.  The return of the ROTC would directly deny students the right of participation based on their sexual orientation whereas participation in federal grant-based research is not based on such invidiously discriminatory qualifications.

 

On the other hand, proponents of the ROTC aptly point out that Columbia’s decision to keep the program off campus does not directly aid the cause of reversing DADT. 

What is needed, however, is a compromise, not an outright contradiction of our university’s policies and, more importantly, our community’s ideals.  A compelling compromise, I believe, is one in which Columbia better advertises the existence of ROTC programs in the New York area with the caveat on every publication or website that the university does not endorse the discriminatory practices of the Department of Defense, embodied most specifically in the DADT policy. 

 

There are, at present, nine Columbia-affiliated ROTC cadets.  This number makes up less than 1% of Columbia’s total undergraduate population.  At a time when our university needs to focus on strengthening our own community to ensure an environment in which equality, respect, and diversity are valued, it would be irresponsible to welcome a discriminatory agency to campus for the benefit of less than 1% of our community.  We need to think of the greater effects ROTC would pose on our community, and the result of such thought clearly points to the fact that the costs would outweigh the benefits. 

 

As  the University Senate prepares to determine their course of action, I call to President Bollinger, the Executive Committee, and our entire community to support compromise, deny ROTC’s return as an act of support for the greater health of our community, and extend a continuously public hope that DADT will be reversed in the near future.  Columbia students will still be able to participate in ROTC, receive scholarship money, and the greater university community will not have to sacrifice the sanctity of its policies and ideals.