B. The Successors of Alexander
6. ANTIGONUS AND SKEPSIS
RC 1 (OGIS 5 + II 538) and OGIS 6 311
The peace concluded in 311 between Antigonus on the one hand and Cassander, Lysimachus and Ptolemy on the other is known only through this inscription and a brief report in Diodorus (19.105.1). The terms, according to Diodorus, were as follows: “Cassander is to be strategos of Europe until the Alexander born of Roxane comes of age; Lysimachus is to be master of Thrace, and Ptolemy of Egypt and the cities bordering on it in Libya and Arabia; Antigonus is to have command over all Asia; the Greeks are to be autonomous.” The sequel to this, as Diodorus reports, was the murder by Cassander of Roxane and the young Alexander. With the disappearance of this last recognized royal remnant, “each of those who ruled over peoples or cities maintained hopes of monarchy and held the territory assigned as subject to him as a sort of spear-won kingdom” (Diod. 19.105.4). The terms of the peace itself had effectively put the seal upon the partition of Alexander's empire. For Antigonus the peace represents an enforced denial of any wider ambitions, but by championing the cause of the Greek cities he was able to achieve at the same time something of a diplomatic triumph. This stance was not new to him in 311 (he had proclaimed at Tyre in 315 that all the Greek cities were to be “free, ungarrisoned, and autonomous” [Diod. 19.61.31]), and it is effectively reasserted in the explanation of the negotiations contained in the letter to Skepsis, which was presumably only one of many such sent out to the cities. In the Skepsians' reply, Antigonus' report is enthusiastically welcomed and cult honors are decreed for him.
- - - we exercised [zeal for the] liberty [of the Greeks], making for [this reason] no small concessions and distributing money besides, [and] to further this we sent out Aischylos along [with Dema]rchos. As long as there was agreement [on] this we participated in the conference on the Helle[spont], and if certain men had not interfered the matter would then have been settled. [Now also] when Cassander and Pto[lemy] were conferring about a truce and when Prepelaos and Aristodemos had come to us on the subject, although we saw that some of the demands of Cassander were rather burdensome, still as there was agreement concerning the Greeks we thought it necessary to overlook this in order that the main issue might be settled as soon as possible; for we should have considered it a fine thing if all had been arranged for the Greeks as we wished, but because the negotiation would have been rather long, and because we were anxious that the question of the Greeks should be settled in our lifetime, we thought it necessary not to let details endanger the settlement of the principal issue. What zeal we have shown in these matters will I think be evident to you and to all others from the arrangements themselves. After the dealings with Cassander and Lysimachus had been completed, to conclude which they had sent Prepelaos with full authority, Ptolemy sent envoys to us asking that a truce be made with him also and that he be included in the same agreement. We saw that it was no small thing to give up part of an ambition for which we had taken no little trouble and incurred much expense, and that too when an agreement had been reached with Cassander and Lysimachus and when the remaining task was easier. Nevertheless, because we thought that after a settlement had been reached with him the matter of Polyperchon might be arranged more quickly as no one would then be in alliance with him, and because of our relationship to him (Ptolemy), and still more because we saw that you and our allies were burdened by the campaign and the expenses, we thought it was well to yield and to make the truce with him also. We sent Aristodemos and Aischylos and Hegesias to draw up the agreement. They have now returned with the pledges, and the representative of Ptolemy, Aristoboulos, came to receive them from us. Know then that the truce has been established and that the peace is made. We have written in the treaty that all the Greeks are to swear to aid each other in preserving their freedom and autonomy, thinking that while we lived in all human expectation these would be protected, but that afterwards freedom would remain more certainly secure for all the Greeks if both they and the men in power are bound by oaths. For them to swear also to help to guard the terms of the treaty which we have made with each other seems to us neither discreditable nor disadvantageous for the Greeks; therefore it seems to me best for you to take the oath which we have sent. In the future also we shall try to provide both for you and for the other Greeks whatever advantage we have in our power. It seemed best to me then to write you also about these matters and to send to you Akios to speak further (on the subject). He brings you copies of the treaty which we have made and of the oath. Farewell.
- - - he has sent] Akios, who [is in every respect] well-disposed [to our city] and continues [always) to maintain [his zeal] and (who) [requests (us)] to declare to him whatever the city might need; and he has sent also the agreements which have come about between himself and Cassander and Ptolemy and Lysimachus and copies of the oaths; and (he has sent a report of) what has been done concerning the freedom and autonomy of the Greeks. Be it resolved by the demos, since Antigonus has been responsible for great goods for the city and for the rest of the Greeks, to praise Antigonus and to rejoice with him over what has been done; and for the city to rejoice also with Greeks at the fact that, being free and autonomous, they will continue [for] the future to exist in peace. In order that Antigonus may be honored in a manner worthy of what has been done and that the demos may be seen to render thanks for the good things it has already received, (be it resolved) to set aside a precinct for him and to make an altar and to set up as fine an image as possible; and for the sacrifice and the festival to take place in his honor each year, just as it was even formerly carried out; and to crown him with a gold crown of 100 gold [staters]; and to crown also Demetrius and Philip, each with (a crown of) fifty gold pieces; and to proclaim the crowns [at the] contest during the festival; and for the city to sacrifice (the offering of) glad-tidings at the news sent by Antigonus; and for all the citizens to wear garlands; and for the treasurer to provide the expenditure for these things. (Resolved) also to send him gifts of friendship; and to have the agreements and the letters from Antigonus and the oaths which he sent inscribed on a stele, just as Antigonus instructed, and to set it up in the sanctuary of Athena; (and) for the secretary to look after (this); and for the treasurer to provide the expenditure for this as well. (Resolved also) for all the citizens to swear the oath that has been sent just as Anti [gonus instructed); (and) for those chosen---.
8. Antigonus met with Cassander at the Hellespont in 313/2: Diod. 19.75.6.
9. Antigonus was 71 at the time.
10. Polyperchon, one of the oldest of Alexander's generals, had succeeded Antipater as regent of Greece in 319, much to the dismay of Antipater's son Cassander. Antigonus came to terms with him in 315 and named him strategos of the Peloponnesus (Diod. 19.57.5; 60.1; 61.1). Polyperchon refused to desert Antigonus for Cassander, also in 315 (Diod. 19.63.3, cf. 64.1), but when Antigonus' man Telesphoros arrived in 313 with instructions to free the cities, Polyperchon refused to vacate Sikyon and Corinth (Diod. 19.74.2).
11. Both Ptolemy and Antigonus' son Demetrius had married daughters of Antipater.
12. “It is unnecessary to point out that the oath asked of the Greeks would require them to support Antigonus in a new war if he could claim the treaty had been violated.” (RC, p. 10).
13. Antigonus' younger son.
7. TWO LETTERS OF ANTIGONUS TO TEOS
RC 3 and 4 (Syll.3 344) 306-302
At some point in the last years of the fourth century Antigonus decided to unite the cities of Teos and Lebedos into a single, new city of Teos. This was to involve the removal of all the inhabitants of Lebedos to Teos (which was perhaps to be rebuilt on the peninsula slightly to the west of its existing location). These two letters from Antigonus to Teos contain various regulations for and instructions about the synoecism, which was in fact never finally accomplished. They (or at least the second of them) were written between 306 (when Antigonus adopted the royal title: Diod. 19.53.2) and 302 (when Cassander's general Prepelaos won over Teos: Diod. 20.107.5). The two letters can have been separated by no long time, as some of the instructions issued in the first had not been carried out when the second was written.
[ - - - whoever] is sent to the Panionion, we thought it best that he should perform all the] common (ceremonies) for an equal period and should bivouac and attend the festival with [your envoys] and be called Tean.
We thought it best that a building lot [be given] to each of the L[ebedians] among you equal to that which he leaves behind in Lebedos. Until the new houses are built, houses [are to be furnished to all] the Lebedians without charge: if the present city remains, one-[third of the] existing houses; if it is necessary to tear down the present city, half of the existing houses [are to be left], and of these one-third are to be given [to the Lebedians] and you are to have two-thirds; if a certain part of the city is torn down and the remaining houses [are enough] to receive both you and the Lebedians, [the] third part of these] are to be given to the Leb[edians]; if the remaining houses are not enough to receive both you [and the Lebedians], enough of the houses which are going to be torn down are to be left. [And when] enough houses [have been completed] in the city that is being built, then the houses which [were left] are to be demolished, [as many as] lie outside the walls of the city. [All the Lebedians] are to build houses on their lots within three years; otherwise the [lots] are to become public property. [We thought] it right that the roofs of the houses be given to the Lebedians, a quarter of the total number each year for four years, [so that] the houses [may be finished as soon as possible].
[We thought] it right also that a place be assigned the Lebedians where they may bury their [dead].
(We thought it right) that [whatever] the city of Lebedos owes [as interest] be met from the common (revenues each year], and that these debts [be assumed] by your city on the conditions under which the Leb[edians owe] them.
As to the proxenoi of the city of Lebedos or those benefactors who possess [citizenship] or some other grant or honor from the Lebedians, (we thought it right) [that they have the same among] you, and that their names be inscribed within a year in the place where your proxenoi [and benefactors are] inscribed.
As to the suits based on injury or breach of contract [now standing] in either city, [we thought it right] that the litigants be reconciled or the cases adjudged separately [according to the] laws [of each city] and according to our diagramma, within two years from the time when [the diagramma] is promulgated. As to those suits which (you) have against Lebedians or the Lebedians have [against you, (we thought it right) that both cities make] an agreement, and put the agreement into writing; and if any objection is raised [against the] agreement, that the matter be decided in (before) the umpire (city) I within six months; that the umpire [city be] Mitylene, as both have agreed. [We think it best] that the drafters of the agreement should write the other terms as they may choose, but as we hear that the suits over contracts and over injuries are [so numerous] that if [they were judged according to] the [law], even without interruption, no one would be able to wait for the end - for up to now fit does not appear that any progress] has been made with these nor have the contracts been executed because the suits have [long] remained [unadjudicated] - and if the interest accumulates [from year to year, no one] would be able to pay it. We think it best for the drafters of the agreement to provide, if [the debtors pay] of their own accord, that they pay no more than double the value [of the debt], and if they go to court and are adjudged liable, (that they pay) three times its value.
Whenever the agreement [is ratified], (we think it right) that the suits be filed and judged within a year; and that anyone who does not file his suit [or have it judged] in the time prescribed, if the courts are sitting, should no longer be able to file it or [to have it judged; and if any] of your (citizens) or of the Lebedians is not in the city during the prescribed period, that it should be possible to serve a summons upon him [in his absence] before the town hall and before his house, notifying the [proper official ... ] in the presence of two responsible witnesses.
(We thought it right) that in the future [penalties] be paid [and received according to] whatever laws you may think are fair to both cities; [that each city appoint] as law-drafters three (men) not younger than forty years [who are incorruptible], and let the men chosen swear that they will draw up such laws as [they consider] to be best and to be of benefit to the city. After they have taken the oath, [let them draw up what] laws [they think] will be fair to both cities and let them submit them within [six months]. (We thought it right) that anyone else who wishes be permitted to draw up and submit a law. (We thought it right) that those of the laws [submitted] be put into practice which the law-drafters may agree upon and the demos ratify, [and that those which are opposed] be sent to us so that we may either decide about them [or designate a city] to do so; that (you) send (to us) also the [laws] which are agreed upon and that you indicate which were submitted by the law-drafters and [which were submitted by others, so that] if any have obviously drawn up a law not for the best but [inappropriately], we may charge him with it and punish him; that these things be done within a year. [Until all the] laws should have been drawn up, your envoys thought it best [to use the laws] of your city, [but those from] Lebedos asked permission to send for and [to use] those from some other city. [Since] we thought it fairer to send for [laws] from another city, [we directed] both parties to name the city whose laws they wished to use, and as both agreed to use the laws of the Koans we decided that this should be done, [and we have requested the Koans] to give you the laws to copy. We think [it best] that three men [be appointed] as soon as this answer is read and that they be sent [to Kos in] three (days] to copy the laws; that those who are sent [shall bring back the] laws sealed with the seal of the Koans in [thirty] days; that when the laws [are brought back] you and the Lebedians shall elect the (new) magistrates [within] ten [days].
As to those men who have been choregos or trierarch or have performed another [liturgy] in either city, we think it best that they no longer [be liable for the same liturgy]. The envoys of the Lebedians [asked] that they be relieved of [the liturgies] for such time as the synoecism is in process. We think it best, if all of you remain [in the old city], that the Lebedians should be immune from the liturgies for three years. [If any of you] move into the peninsula, that they also should be immune for the [same period and that those whose] houses are not moved (or torn down?) should assume the liturgies.
The envoys of the L[ebedians] said [that it was necessary] to set aside from the revenues [one thousand] four hundred gold staters for the supply [of grain, so that] anyone who wished, taking this money against security, [might import grain into the] city and sell it throughout the year whenever he wished, and that [at the end of the year] he should return the money to the city, both the capital and the interest at the rate [at which he took it. When they particularly requested us] to order that this be done even now so that there might be [a sufficient quantity] of grain [in the city] - for you could not produce enough - your envoys expressed [their approval but asked] that more money be appropriated as the synoecism [was being completed] and the population was becoming [larger] as you moved into the same place. Previously we were un[willing] to. grant that [any] city should undertake the importation of grain or maintain a supply of grain, [for we were not willing to have the] cities spend for this purpose large sums of money unnecessarily; we did not [wish] even now to give this permission, for the tributary [land] is near [and thus if a need] of grain arose, we think there could easily be brought from [there as much as] one wished. Our anxiety on this point was due [to a desire] to benefit the [cities], since you and all the others [know that there is] no private profit [for us] in the business, but we maintain the regulation [in the hope that] the cities may become free of their debts. Seeing [that as far as lies in our power] we have made you free and autonomous in other respects [we thought) to exercise some care over your debts also that they might be paid off as soon as possible. [As, however], this plan for the supply of grain seems [advantageous], we think it best, in order that we may [omit] nothing [which is both just] and also advantageous to the demos that the [supplies] of grain should be established as the Lebedian envoys said, believing that there should be provided against security a total of one thousand [four hundred] gold staters.
(We think it best) that the import and export of all [grains] be declared [in the portico of the] market, so that if it should not pay any persons to bring the grain into the [market and thence to] export it, they may have the right to export (directly), paying the duty on what is declared [in the market]. As to what villages or farms there may be outside [the city], we think it best that each man be ordered to register [as much produce] as he wishes to export (directly) from the farmland, so that he may export (it) having made declaration [to the mark et-commissioner and] paid [the] taxes.
Your envoys [and those from the Lebe]dians asked that three men be appointed from each city to frame any regulations furthering the synoecism [which may have been omitted. It seems to us desirable] that the men be appointed within thirty days [of the time when this answer] is read, and that the ones chosen draw up any measures which have been omitted [by us]; that of their provisions those [are to be valid] which are agreed upon by both (cities), and that the disputed points are to be referred to us within the two following months, (so that) after hearing [both sides] we may decide as we think [is best] for both.
King Antigonus to the boule and the demos of the Teans, greeting. When we [before studied] how the synoecism might be completed most quickly, we did not see from what source the [necessary] money would come [for you] to be able [to give immediately] to the Lebedians the value of their houses, because the amount arising from the revenues comes in over a [rather long] period of time. [When we received] your envoys and those from the Lebedians and asked [them if they had any] expedient to suggest to us, and they said they had none except taxation, examining [their proposals] we find that only your wealthiest citizens have always advanced the property taxes. [It seems good to us, then] that there should be six hundred (designated as) wealthy, [and that these] should advance money in proportion to their property, so that there may be [for the Lebedians] one-fourth of the compensation available at once, and that repayment be made to these men first, after an interval [of a year) from the revenues [of the city] all of them being appropriated for this purpose.
(It seems to us best) that the men who are going to bring the appraisers [of the houses] from Kos [and the] men who are going to copy the laws should be chosen as soon as the abrogation(?) [takes place and] be sent out in five days from the time they are chosen, and that those who are [sent] for the laws should bring them from Kos and report them in the period which we specified in the answer (i.e., the previous letter). [Those] who are sent [for the] appraisers should bring the appraisers back as quickly as possible.
[We think best---] that the houses in your city which must be given to the Lebedians for [temporary residence] be counted [within] fifteen [days] from the reading of [this] answer, and that those who are to count [the houses and] assign them to the temporary occupants be elected by each [tribe] at the next assembly.
14. Both Teos and Lebedos were members of the Ionian League, and as such both sent theoroi to the cult celebrations of the League at the Panionion. This provision aims at coping with the situation that would arise when Lebedos ceased to exist and could thus not send a theoros in its own name.
15. The roofs would normally be made of baked tiles, the walls of less expensive unbaked brick. (It is not easy to see what else the translation of the text could be in this section, but the relation between the requirement to build in three years and the provision of roofs over four years is a matter for curiosity.)
16. Cf. 9, note; 60 with note.
17. The laws of Kos went back ultimately to the seventh-century lawgiver Charondas of Katane (cf. Aristotle, Politics 2.12; Herondas, Mim. 2.48).
18. For an analogous, but more complicated, grain fund cf. 63.
19. Territory directly subject to Antigonus and paying him tribute in grain. He could of course sell as much of the grain as he did not himself require and would no doubt be anxious to do so.
20. On this policy of Antigonus, cf. 6: he clearly does not feel the enforced synoecism to be at odds with it.
21. In order to obtain the money needed immediately, the 600 wealthiest citizens of Teos are required to advance one-quarter of the amount. Repayment (one year later) is guaranteed them from the city's revenues.
22. The assumption that something is wrong with the text seems inevitable; expected here would be “when this response is read” (as above), or such. The cities' law should of course cease to function only after the formal adoption of those imported from Kos. Cf. RC, p. 32.
8. THE HELLENIC LEAGUE OF 302
Staatsverträge 446 (Moretti 44) 302
As early as 307/6 Antigonus had sought to establish a united coalition of the Greeks in Greece (Diod. 20.46). Nothing came of it then, but in 302 representatives from a number of Greek states met with Demetrius at the Isthmus and the charter of the new Hellenic League was drawn up (Diod. 20.102, Plut. Demetrius 25). The fragmentary state of the text (found at Epidauros) makes it impossible to determine who the original members were or exactly how many in number, but there would seem to have been at least a half dozen, including Elis and the Achaean League. The immediate aim of the venture was to unite the Greeks with Antigonus and Demetrius in the war against Cassander, but the provisions were drawn up with the view that the organization would continue to exist in peace time. Whether it could have done is perhaps doubtful, but there was certainly no chance of its surviving the defeat and death of Antigonus at Ipsos in 301.
--there is to be friendship and [alliance for all time] between [those ... sharing in the] synhedrion ... and Antigonus and Demetrius so that they have the [same] enemies and friends [ - ] by land and sea the Kings Antigonus and Demetrius. [If any] of the allies or those sharing in the synhedrion any of the cities sharing in the agreement ravage the land or capture garrisons [ - - - or] seek to destroy [the monarchy of Antigonus and] Demetrius and their descendants or [cities? constitutions?- - -
[ - - - it is not to be allowed for the cities] to do anything other [than what has been written; if any act contrary (to the agreements) either in] word or deed, let [anyone who wishes] bring a charge [about them to the prohedroi,- let the syn]hedroi pass judgment [and, if they are convicted, let them pay as a penalty whatever they seem to deserve to suffer] or to pay. [Let care be taken ... to ensure that the] sea is clear [of pirates? - - - ]; to use the ancestral constitutions - - - nor with the purpose of revolution--[if someone proposes or votes that - - - for the proposer and the] one who put the vote to be judged [by the synhedroi; if the synhedroi do not judge, let] anyone who wishes [bring a charge] about them
--it shall not be permitted to [interfere with either the] ambassadors [from the Greeks (?) to] the synhedroi [or those] dispatched [by the] synhedroi, or with those sent out on common [campaign, either as they are going out] (to the places) to which the individual contingents have been ordered or as they are returning to their [cities?], or to kidnap them or to seize them [on any] charge. If anyone [does these things] let [the] magistrates in each of the cities prevent him, and let the sy[nhedroi pronounce judgment.] Let the synhedroi assemble in time of peace [at the sacred games?], but in time of war as often as seems beneficial to the synhedroi and to [the strateg]os left behind by the kings for the common protection. The synhedrion shall sit for as many days as the prohedroi of the synhedrion announce. The meetings of the synhedrion shall take place, until such time as the common war is concluded, wherever the prohedroi and the king or the strategos appointed by the kings announce; when peace comes, wherever the crowned games are held. The resolutions of the synhedroi shall be [binding]. Let them conduct business when more than half their number is present, but if less than half is present they are not to conduct business. Concerning resolutions passed in the synhedrion, it shall not be possible for [the] cities to demand an account from the synhedroi who are sent. When the war [ends] there shall be five [prohe]droi chosen by lot from among the synhedroi. No more than one may be selected by lot from any league or city. These shall bring together the synhedroi and [the] common secretaries [and the] assistants; and they shall put forward the matters about which [it is necessary] to deliberate; and they shall [pass on the resolutions to the secretaries, having themselves [clear?] copies, and they shall introduce [all?] the legal cases, and shall take care that all business is conducted [as is needful] having the power to fine anyone acting in a disorderly way. [If anyone wishes] to introduce [any matter] of advantage to the kings [and the Greeks,] or to report [anyone as] acting contrary to the interests of the allies (or] disobeying the resolutions, or to bring any other business before the synhedroi, let him register [with the prohedroi] and let them bring the matter before the synhedroi. [The] prohedroi chosen by lot [are to be] required to render account for [everything] which they do." Let [whoever wishes] (to bring charges against them) register it with the prohedroi next chosen by lot. Let [those who take over] bring the charge before the synhedroi at the first sitting [next ensuing]. Until the common war is ended, the prohedroi shall [always be those] (sent) from the kings. [If] any city does not send the synhedroi [to the] assemblies according to the agreements], let it pay a fine for each of those (so absent) of two [drachmas or minas) for each [sitting] until the synhedroi adjourn, unless any [of the synhedroi declares on oath] that he was ill. And if any city does not send the assigned military contingent according to the call sent out, let it pay a daily penalty for each cavalryman of 50 drachmas; for each hoplite of 20 drachmas; for each [light-armed soldier] of 10 drachmas; and for each sailor [10?] drachmas; until [the] time of the campaign [has expired for all] the other Greeks.
It shall not be permitted instead of these - - - to dispatch cavalrymen instead of infantrymen (?) - - - [the] mercenaries have been enrolled and the [mercenary-leaders?] - - - [If any?] city or individual transgresses any [of what - - - has] been written, let [the synhedroi] fine [them] - - - the fines for private individuals - - - for the cities the strategos - - - the money collected - - - for whatever the synhedroi may decide---.
- - - [Those who are going to share in the synhedrion (?) are to have the] agreements and the [oaths inscribed upon] stone stelae and [have them set up, the... in. . . , the. . . in. . . , ] the Eleians in [Olympia, ---], the Achaeans in [Aigion, ---; and the others who join the ] synhedrion [are also to have] the agreements [and the oaths inscribed in the most famous sanctuaries] among them. [(The) oath: I swear by] Zeus, Ge, Helios, P[oseidon, Athena, Ares, and all the gods and goddesses: I will abide] in the alliance [with the Kings Antigonus and Demetrius (?)] and their [descendants (?) and ... who share in (?)] the synhedrion; and I shall have the same enemies and friends. And [I shall] not [bear arms to bring suffering (?) . . . against any of those] abiding by the [treaty, neither by land nor by sea (?), nor] shall I ravage the territory [. . ., nor shall I subvert the] kingdom of An[tigonus and Demetrius and their descendants. If] anyone else [does any of these things (?), doing something contrary to] the things [written] in [the treaty (?), I shall not allow (him to do so) to the extent of my power], but [I shall] go to war [against him... who transgresses ... the] alliance [ -
23. The council of the League, composed of the representatives (synhedroi) sent by the member states.
24. A board of presidents of the synhedrion; on their functions and selection, see particularly Fragment 3.
25. I.e., the war against Cassander.
26. The Olympic, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.
27. The synhedroi are thus to be fully-empowered representatives, not delegates.
28. The prohedroi during the “common war” are not, evidently, to be thus accountable.
29. A fine of only two drachmas seems excessively small.
9. EPHESOS RECOVERS FROM WAR
Syll.3 364 after 297
After the defeat of Antigonus and Demetrius at Ipsos in 301, Ephesos continued to support Demetrius. The present inscription shows that its territory suffered heavily in the ensuing war between Demetrius and Lysimachus. As a result, many were left holding ruined property which they had used as security in contracting loans. This property could not be sold for anything like its full value, if indeed buyers could be found at all, and the lenders would therefore be entitled to seize the whole of the pledged property in repayment of the loan. To prevent this happening a long (the surviving text is only part of what was originally inscribed) and complicated series of provisions was enacted. The dominating principle is that the land, after having a fair valuation placed on it, should be divided between the owner and his creditor(s), the latter receiving land in proportion to the amount of the debt. Thus, if the loan were for 1000 drachmas and the land valued at 4000 drachmas, the creditor could expect to receive one-quarter of the land.
The judges. - It is to be possible for the judges, if the matter does not seem to them to be ready for judgment, but the landowner has placed a greater value (on the property) and the creditor a lesser one, to value it for as much as may seem well to them. There is to be no counter-estimate of the (amount of the) debt. - If the valuation is agreed but the loan is disputed, or if the loan is agreed but the valuation is disputed, the judgment is to be about what is disputed. - The decisions of the judges the eisagogeis are to inscribe on a whitened tablet and, along with the settlements of the arbitrators, which (the disputants) have agreed to before the court, to hand over to those who have been chosen to supervise the common war. When those who have been chosen to supervise the common war receive the judgments and the arbitration-settlements, they are to select by lot, from the thirty who have been chosen by the demos, five men for each five-day period as dividers of properties, and they are to select by lot also the areas and to record these; and the men selected by lot are to perform the divisions in the areas that have fallen to them, not sundering the holdings of the creditor or those of the landholder, but dividing the parts so that these are contiguous with one another; and of the land let them give over to the creditors [and to the landholders] amounts in proportion to the value inhering, taking into account both the (amount of the) loan and the valuation; let them except in the process of division of the land roads leading to religious sites and to water and to farm-buildings and around graves. - If any dispute the division that has occurred, let them declare this to those who have been chosen to supervise the common war and to the one in charge of the court. - Let the one designated to be in charge of the court lead the judges out to the place, and let the judges, if the division seems to them not to have been justly made, make it fair by adding to each (one's share, as may be required) in proportion to the (amount of the) loan and the valuation. The partitionings accomplished by the arbitrators or the judges are to be reported to those who have been chosen to supervise the common war, including a record of the men's names, the areas, and the boundaries of the divisions.- Those who have been chosen (to supervise the common war), having had all this inscribed on whitened tablets, are to turn them over to the neopoiai to be set up in the temple precinct. And let them give copies of these also to the copying-clerk, in order that it may be possible for any citizen who desires to look over the partitionings of the landed properties. And this process of division is to be the same for all. - If they reach agreement between themselves in some other way about the division and register with those who have been chosen to supervise the common war, it is to be for them just as they agree between themselves; and copies of the valuations and loans are to be received by the landholder from the creditor joining with him in the agreement, and, on behalf of an orphan, by the guardian, and the fellow-guardians which each may have received; no one is to receive copies from anyone else, and those assigned to be in charge of these things are not to give them (to anyone else). Otherwise, both the one who receives and the one who gives to another are to be accursed, and both the one who receives and the one who gives are to be liable to prosecution as being disobedient and as plotting against the best interests of the city. - As many as have lent money on security of residual value, these are to have recovery from the portion remaining to the landholder - whether there be one or many of them, the first (being settled with) first, the others subsequently-and the law is to be for these just as for the initial lenders. - If any, after mortgaging property to some, have borrowed from others as if on unencumbered property, deceiving the subsequent lenders, it is to be possible for the subsequent lenders, being treated as the previous lenders according to the reckoning of the common war, to have the property. If anything remains owing to them, the lenders are to have recovery from the entire property of the debtor, in any way they can and free from all penalty. And if there is a guarantor, recovery from the guarantor is to be just as from those, who guarantee [unsecured] loans. - Concerning guarantors who provide guarantees with respect to the property [itself]: if the value of the property is equal to the loan for which [he is] the guarantor, based on the valuation ir effect before the war, then the guarantor is to be released from his guarantee. If the amount owing is greater than the value of the property, then let the guarantor pay, proportionately, the excess of the amount owing over the value of the property, as do those who guarantee unsecured loans, except if extra interest is being charged for a longer period than that of the [guarantee] made in the (original) transaction. - If the creditor is charging additional interest contrary to the (original) transaction and the [length of time] agreed in the transaction, let the guarantor not pay the excess brought about by this additional charge, unless the creditor has postponed the recovery (of the loan) with the knowledge and consent of the guarantor. If they dispute about this, they are to receive judgment before the foreign court, unless they have been brought to some agreement by the arbitrators, and the creditor is to initiate the court case. - If any guardian, having borrowed (money from the orphan) during his [guardianship), is in possession of the orphan's money in any way, he is not to share in the (provisions relating to the) common war. - As many as owe dowries for their own daughters or sisters, having assigned them from their paternal property, or being guardians, either appointed in the father's will or chosen by the demos, have not given to the orphan girls under their guardianship the dowries assigned by their fathers, or who, having married and then been divorced, have not paid back the dowries, which are to be paid back according to law, these are to pay the dowries and the interest according to the (original) transaction; and it is not to be open to them to take into account the (provisions relating to the) common war, but let the guardians make up the deficiency in the dowry of the orphan girls out of the rest of the estate under their guardianship. - As many as have borrowed on real security since the prytany of Demagoras and the month of Posideon, for these the (provisions relating to the) common war are to apply as for the others, but the valuations of the properties are to be those of the time when the loans and the (original) transactions took place, in order that, if any entered into arrangements with their property laid waste or after the farm-buildings had been destroyed, their valuations may reflect the state of the property on the basis of which they made the arrangements. - As many as have made transactions, before (the prytany of) Apollas and the month Lenaion, contrary to the (provisions relating to the) common war, these transactions are not to be valid, but those in debt to them are to be covered by the (provisions relating to the) common war. - As many as have made transactions on real security since the month of Lenaion and (the prytany of) Apollas, their transactions are to be valid and the (provisions relating to the) common war are not to apply to them, since they prospered by maintaining faith during the war, but they are not to receive interest of more than one-twelfth. -Concerning lenders who have entered upon possession of property: As many as, having entered upon possession of properties, in accordance with arrangements made, prior to the month Posideon in the year of Demagoras, hold and possess the properties, for these the possessions are to be valid, unless they (i.e. debtor and creditor) have willingly come to some agreement with one another. If any dispute about full ownership, they are to receive judgment according to the laws. As many as entered upon possession subsequent to the month Posideon in the year of Demagoras, when the borrowers were in possession of the property according to the decree and had been brought back by the demos, (in such cases) the properties are to belong to the borrowers and possessors, the loans to the lenders, the division taking place as for the other lenders. - If the lenders disagree with the debtors, saying they entered upon possession prior to the prytany of Demagoras and the month Posideon, they are to receive judgment just as do the others who have suffered damage in the common war. - If any have themselves willingly and without coercion come to some agreement with the lenders, although the lenders have not entered upon possession, their agreements are to be valid. If the one says that he was coerced and the other denies it, they are to receive judgment about these matters in the foreign court, but they are first to submit to arbitration before the arbitrators in accordance with this law. - As many as have departed after abandoning their property, and the creditors have begun cultivation, (in these cases) the property is to belong to the creditors. If the debtors wish to recover their property by paying back what the creditors have spent, and the interest at one-fourteenth, and anything that may have been expended in the land or lost due to cultivation, taking into account the revenues produced, it is to be possible for them, if they pay (all this) back in the year of Danaos, to share in the (provisions relating to the) common war on the same terms as the others. - Concerning the expenditures made, and the losses in cultivation, and the revenues produced, if they come to agreement with one another or are brought to agreement by the arbitrators, these (agreements) are to be (valid), otherwise they are to receive judgment before the foreign court just as do the others, and the one who abandoned the property is to initiate the court case. If any, in the years of Demagoras or Mantikrates or Apollas, up to the month Posideon, ---.
30. “The common war” seems best taken as referring to a war undertaken by the common decision of the citizenry, the results of which war affected all alike. “Those who have been chosen to supervise the common war” are a board of officials elected to see to the execution of all measures enacted to deal with damages and problems resulting from the war.
31. If, for example, someone has borrowed 1000 drachmas on security of a landed estate clearly worth more than that amount, he might go on to contract an additional loan (or loans) on security of the value of the estate over 1000 drachmas.
32. If, for example, the guarantor had pledged himself for one-quarter of the debt, then he would be liable for one-quarter of the excess of the amount owed over the value of the property.
33. Most likely a panel of judges brought in from a friendly city to aid in the settlement of these disputes. The invocation of judges from elsewhere was a widespread phenomenon in the Hellenistic period (cf. Tarn and Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization2 88-9; M.N. Tod, International Arbitration amongst the Greeks [Oxford 1913]).
34. These two provisions have to do with loans contracted during the war, the preceding ones with loans contracted prior to it. The war apparently began in the month Posideon in the year for which Demagoras was prytanis and (cf. the end of the inscription) ended two years later, during the prytany of Apollas. The year of Danaos, mentioned near the end, is likely the first prytany-year after the end of the war.
10. THE IONIAN LEAGUE HONORS HIPPOSTRATOS OF MILETOS
Syll.3 368 289/8
The victory of Seleucus and Lysimachus at Ipsos in 301 won for the latter control of Asia Minor. The present text reflects at least one aspect of his administration of the area as well as his attitude toward Ephesos, which had been so steadfast in its support of Demetrius after Ipsos. The decree of the federal council of the ancient Ionian League is preserved in two copies, one from Smyrna and one from Miletos. The latter is translated here (A), along with the two related Milesian decrees inscribed along with it (B and C).
Resolved by the koinon of the Ionians. Whereas Hippostratos, son of Hippodemos, of Miletos, a friend of King Lysimachus and appointed strategos in charge of the cities of the Ionians, continues to treat in a friendly and beneficent way each city individually and the Ionians as a whole, with good fortune, be it resolved by the koinon of the Ionians: to praise Hippostratos son of Hippodemos for his virtue and the good-will which he continues to hold toward the koinon of the Ionians, and for him to be free from all taxes in (the) cities of the Ionians; the same provisions are to apply to Hippostratos himself and to his descendants. And (resolved) to erect a bronze equestrian statue of him in the Panionion; and for two cities to be chosen to see to it that the statue of Hippostratos is erected with dispatch, in order that all the rest may know that the Ionians honor with the appropriate honors men who are noble and provide service to the cities. And (resolved) for each of the council-members to take back to their own cities the decisions of the Ionians, in order that the decisions of the Ionians may be there written up in the public archives. And (resolved) to have this decree inscribed on the base of the statue of Hippostratos in the Panionion and for each of the cities (to have it inscribed) in their own city on a stone stele. The cities chosen were Miletos and Arsinoeia.
In the year of Telesias, in (the month) Panemos. Resolved by the demos to have inscribed in the public archive the decree ratified at the Panionion. Supervisors of the statue of Hippostratos son of Hippodemos, chosen according to the decree decreed by the Ionians were Archidemos son of Aristokrates and Ameinias son of Krateas.
In the year of Telesias, in (the month) Lenaion. Resolved by the boule; Protomachos son of Pylios spoke: In order that the honors decreed by the koinon of the Ionians for Hippostratos son of Hippodemos may be carried out with dispatch, be it resolved by the boule for the teichopoioi to see to it and to let a contract for the preparation of the stele and the inscription of the decisions and for the treasurer in office for the month of Lenaion to provide the money from the wall-building funds.
35. The city more usually known as Ephesos; it was renamed by Lysimachus after his third wife, Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy I and later wife of Ptolemy II.
11. LYSIMACHUS AND PRIENE
Priene 14 (OGIS 11) and RC 6 (OGIS 12; Priene 15) ca. 285
During Demetrius' invasion of Asia Minor in 287/6 (for this as the context of these inscriptions see Welles, RC, pp. 43-44) many cities either fell to his attacks or, as all of Lydia and Caria, went over to him. Priene was among those that remained loyal to Lysimachus. It endured the ravaging of its territory by Demetrius' soldiers and the hostile population of the Maeander plain until Lysimachus' forces were able to bring relief. In return for this the city voted to establish a cult in his honor, much as had been done at Samothrace in return for helpful military intervention (Syll.3 372). The first text is part of a decree of Priene communicating the city's resolutions to Lysimachus, the second (also fragmentary) is the letter written by the king in return. Lysimachus' good will, thus secured, had its limits (cf. 12).
(For) King [Lysimachus]
Resolved by the demos; proposal [of the strategoi (?). Whereas] King Lysimachus both in [past times always] continued to exercise care [for the demos of the Prie]neans and now, having dispatched a force [against the Magnesians] and the other Pedieis, led [it (the demos)] back [into the] city, be it resolved by the demos, to choose as ambassadors ten men [from among] all the citizens who, going to him, shall both deliver the decree and rejoice with the king at the fact that he and his forces are well and that the other matters are in a satisfactory state, and who shall make clear [the] good-will which the demos continues to hold toward King [Lys]imachus and who shall crown him with a [gold] crown of 1,000 gold pieces. And [the] demos shall erect [in the agora] a golden image [of the king] and shall set up beside it on the right --- [to build] also an altar dedicated to him [in the agora; and for all] the [priests and priestesses of] the city [to sacrifice each] year, and for all the citizens to wear garlands, and for the priests and the magistrates and all the citizens to hold a procession [on the birthday of King] Lysimachus; [and] for [the magistrates] to gather together (for a banquet); and for the one in charge of [fiscal administration to give] to [the] hieropoioi of the tribes [for the sacrifices as much money as is given also for the Panathenaia - - - ] .
[King Lysimachus to the boule and] the demos [of the Prieneans], greeting. [Your] ambassadors, Antisthenes [and those with him, came and delivered] to us [your] decree and themselves rejoiced at [the fact that] we are in good health and (likewise) our friends [and] forces and affairs through [the entire] land, and they spoke along the lines of what is written in the decree, declaring about [the] good-will which the demos holds towards us and that, when we sent (instructions) to obey, (the demos) obeyed So[sthenes the (?)] strategos with enthusiasm and [in no way] stood apart from what was useful to us, although the land was being [ravaged] by the Magnesians [ ... J and the [soldiers] marching along with them. [Wishing therefore to exercise care for] all [of you in common] and [each one] individually, and [considering it to be] to our advantage [that you should be our friends as] even previously, [we grant] as [your ambassadors] requested.
36. The (non-Greek) inhabitants of the lower Maeander valley.
37. On the text here cf. Habicht, Gottmenschentum2 39 n. 5. The alternative is “[saved the] city by land”: so RC 44, where this is taken as alluding to Demetrius' naval superiority.
38. This refers specifically to a cult statue; cf. the provision about an altar just below. For the text in this section of the decree, see L. Robert, Etudes anatoliennes (Paris 1937) 183-4.
39. Lysimachus does not mention the Pedieis. The soldiers (if the restoration is indeed correct) may be taken to be those of Demetrius in 287/6 (cf. RC, p. 43).
40. This refers to a now lost section of the Prienean decree.
12. LETTER OF LYSIMACHUS TO SAMOS
RC 7 (OGIS 13) 283/2
Disputes between cities over territory, common enough throughout antiquity, tended during the Hellenistic period to lead to arbitration rather than to war. In the present case Priene has claimed a right to the area of Batinetis in the district of the Samian Anaia (on which cf. 63, 64). Both sides presented their cases before Lysimachus, and the following letter, of which only the first part is preserved, contains his decision. Why the Prieneans made the claim in the first place is not clear, for it seems from the opening of Lysimachus' letter that there was not much question as to whose the territory was. It may be they thought the king would simply favor them over the Samians. The tone of the letter and the fact that it was inscribed at Samos indicate that he did not. For the date and circumstances of the judgment, see RC, pp. 48-50 and cf. Tod, International Arbitration 135-136.
King Lysimachus to the boule and the demos of the Samians, greeting. Your envoys and those sent by Priene appeared before us in the matter of the land which they have in fact disputed earlier in our presence. If we had known beforehand that you had had this land in your possession and use for so many years we should never have undertaken to hear the case at all; as it was, we thought that your occupation was a matter of only a very short time, for so [the] Prienean envoys declared to us in their former [statements]. At any rate, when your (envoys) and those from Priene were here, it was necessary to hear through the arguments [of both groups]. The Prieneans tried to prove from the histories and [the other] testimonials and documents, including the six years' truce, that the original [possession] of the land of Batinetis had been theirs. [Later] they agreed that when Lygdamis attacked Ionia [with) his army the rest left the country and the Samians withdrew [to the island; that Lygdamis, after occupying the land three (or seven or ten) years, returned [to them] the same possessions and the Prieneans [took them over]; that no one of the Samians was there at all [unless one] happened to be among them as a resident alien, and he placed [the produce of his fields] at the disposal of the Prieneans; that later, the Samians, [returning], seized the land forcibly; that consequently Bias [was sent from] the Prieneans [with full powers] about a settlement with the Samians, and that [he] concluded the settlement and that the inhabitants [left the land of Ba]tinetis. [They claimed that affairs] had remained in this state in former times and that up to quite recently [they had been in possession of the land]; now they asked us on the basis of this original [possession to give them back] the land. The [envoys] sent by you [claimed] that you had received your existing [possession] of the [land of] Batinetis [from your ancestors.] They admitted that, after the [invasion] of Lygdamis, the Samians like the rest [left the land and withdrew to] the island; that afterwards ... a thousand S[amians] settled ...
41. The king of the Cimmerians who descended upon Asia Minor in the seventh century.
42. The conflict was renewed in the sixth century while Bias was tyrant of Priene. After the first serious battle, in which 1000 Samians were killed, the six-years' truce was signed. The Samian attack referred to here took place in the seventh year.
43. The precise temporal reference is not clear, if indeed it was intended to be; between Bias and Lysimachus three centuries elapsed of which nothing is said by the Prieneans. What the Samians had to say does not survive.
13. ATHENS HONORS PHILIPPIDES
Syll.3 374 283/2
Passed in the year of the death of Demetrius Poliorcetes, this decree honors the comic poet Philippides for service to the demos extending over more than fifteen years. Plutarch (Demetrius 12.6 ff.) records his enmity toward Stratokles, the strenuous supporter of Demetrius, and adds: “Philippides was a friend of Lysimachus, and on his account the demos received much good treatment at the hands of the king.” Such is the story told by this inscription, wherein Lysimachus is, not surprisingly, the only living ruler mentioned.
In the archonship of Euthios, in the third prytany, that of (the tribe) Akamantis, for which Nausimenes, son of Nausikydes, of (the deme) Cholargos was secretary, on the eighteenth day of Boedromion, the nineteenth day of the prytany; a regular assembly; of the prohedroi Hieromnemon, son of Teisimachos, of (the deme) Koile put the vote along with his fellow-prohedroi; resolved by the boule and demos; Nikeratos son of Phileas, of (the deme) Kephale spoke: Whereas Philippides has continued in every circumstance to show his good-will toward the demos and, having journeyed abroad to King Lysimachus and having first spoken with the king he obtained as a gift for the demos 10,000 Attic medimnoi of grain which were distributed to all the Athenians in the archonship of Euktemon, and he spoke also about a mast and yard-arm in order that they might be given to the goddess at the Panathenaia with the peplos things that were brought in the archonship of Euktemon; and when Lysimachus the king won the battle which took place at Ipsos against Antigonus and Demetrius, those citizens who died in the [fighting] he had buried at his own expense; (as for those who) had been taken prisoner, after presenting himself to the king (and) obtaining their release, those who wished to continue as soldiers he arranged to be assigned in divisions, while those who wished to depart, after clothing them and providing money for travel from his own funds, he sent off whithersoever each wished (to go), and of these there were more than three hundred; and he also asked and obtained that as many citizens as had been captured and held in Asia by Demetrius and Antigonus be released; and he continues always to be helpful to any Athenians who encounter (him) in the way that each calls upon him; and after the demos obtained its freedom, he has continued to speak and to do what is of benefit for the safety of the city, calling the king to aid with money and with food, in order that the demos might remain free and might regain the Piraeus and the garrisons as quickly as possible, and on all these matters the king often bore him witness before the Athenian ambassadors who approached him; and having been elected agonothetes in the archonship of Isaios, he willingly answered the call of the demos from his own funds and made the ancestral [sacrifices] to the gods on behalf of the demos, and the [ - ] he gave to all the Athenians (for) all the [contests, and] he was the first to establish an additional contest in honor of Demeter [and Kore], in remembrance of the [freedom] of the demos, and he [looked after] the other contests and [sacrifices on behalf of the city), and [after spending a great deal of his own] money on these things he submitted his accounts according to the laws, and never did he ever [do] anything contrary to democracy in either [word or] deed. In order that it may be clear [to all that the demos] knows how to return thanks to its [benefactors] in a manner worthy of the benefactions; with good [fortune; Resolved] by the boule: that the prohedroi chosen by lot [to preside] (over the assembly of the demos), when the number of days [required by law) for the request have passed, shall raise these matters at the first legal meeting of the assembly, and shall put to the demos the proposal of the boule, to wit, that the boule resolves: to praise Philippides son of Philokles of (the deme) Kephale for his valor and for the good-will which he continues to hold toward the demos of the Athenians, and to crown him with a gold crown according to the law, and to proclaim the crown during the Great Dionysia at the competition of tragedians, and to erect a bronze statue of him in the theater, and to grant to him and to whoever in future is his eldest descendant, public maintenance in the prytaneion and prohedria at all the contests that the city puts on. (Also resolved that) those in charge of administration are to look after the fabrication and proclamation of the crown; (that) the secretary for the prytany is to have this decree inscribed on a stone stele and set up by the temple of Dionysos, and those in charge of administration are to allocate 20 drachmas for the inscription of the stele (from] the funds expended by the demos on decree-related matters.
44. 299/8; Isaios, mentioned below, was archon in 284/3.
45. Summer, 301. Along with the forces of Lysimachus at lpsos were of course those of Seleucus.
46. In 287, with the help of a Ptolemaic fleet. Since early 294 Athens had been under the control of Demetrius, who had returned to Greece after the death of Cassander in 298 or 297.
14. KNIDIAN LOANS TO MILETOS
Milet I 3 138 283/2
In 283/2 Miletos found itself without sufficient money on hand to pay the second instalment of its (annual?) tribute to Lysimachus. To cope with the situation the Milesians adopted the expedient of borrowing this money at Knidos. The Knidians were approached by envoys from Miletos, who sought the official support of Knidos for the venture, on the understanding that citizens of Miletos would guarantee the loans. This support was forthcoming, and the assembly at Knidos voted to invite contributory loans for Miletos and to underwrite these as well. The amount thus raised was 12 1/6 talents (of which three talents were lent for a year free of interest and the rest at the modest rate of six per cent.) If it may be assumed that this approximated to the amount needed and that the instalment in question was the second of two for the year, Miletos was paying Lysimachus a tribute of something like 25 talents a year. In this inscription the Milesians express their gratitude to the Knidians and publish the names of both the Milesian guarantors and the lenders from Knidos.
Resolved by the demos; proposal of the epistatai; Episthenes son of Alkis spoke: Whereas the demos of the Knidians is continually well-disposed and friendly toward the demos of the Milesians, showing itself eager to contribute to the welfare of the city on all other occasions and now, after we dispatched Kallikrates and Philippos as ambassadors about the provision of guarantees and the loan of the money which we must pay as the second instalment to King Lysimachus, (the demos of the Knidians) has sent to us a decree about these matters, and the ambassadors report that the demos of the Knidians has passed a decree about the provision of guarantees for the lenders and has called upon those who wish to provide a service to the demos of the Milesians, giving security to the lenders and praising them and exhibiting all zeal and good-will for the collection of money; with good fortune, be it decreed by the Milesians: to praise the demos of the Knidians for its virtue and for the good-will which it continues to hold toward the demos of the Milesians, and for it to be a subject of attention for the boule and the demos, and for the prytaneis and the epistatai to look after any matters about which the demos of the Knidians send to us, and for it to be (designated as) a benefactor of the demos of the Milesians; and to praise the private individuals who are lending the money and providing this service to the city; and, in order that the city of the Knidians shall be honored and the individual lenders as each is worthy, the demos is to choose 75 synhedroi from among all the Milesians who, having met together and drawn up the list of honors with which the demos of the Knidians and those who have lent the money to the city ought to be honored, will bring (these) before the assembly at which it is lawful for the demos to deliberate about its benefactors; and, in order that security be provided for the lenders, the demos is to choose 75 men who will give surety and provide guarantees to the lenders on behalf of the demos; and to have inscribed on a stone stele the names of the lenders, each with his father's name and the city from which he hails, and to have this set up in the temple of Apollo, adding besides the amount of money which each is lending, as the funds are advanced (?), and the term of the loan; and for the teichopoioi to look after and to let a contract for the preparation of the stele and the inscription of the names; and for the treasurer to provide the expenses from the wall-maintenance funds; and, in order that the city of the Knidians may know what has been decreed, for the previously chosen ambassadors, Kallikrates and Philippos, to deliver the decree to the demos of the Knidians and to call upon them to maintain the same good-will and friendship toward our city for all time and to join in seeing to it that the money is brought safely to our city, and for these same ambassadors to have full authority to act on behalf of the city and the aforementioned guarantors in drawing up contracts and in arranging guarantees for the lenders. Resolved by the demos to have the decree inscribed on a whitened tablet.
The following announced that they would provide guarantees:
(There follows here the list of the 75 Milesians who undertook
to guarantee the loans on behalf of the city.)
The following Knidians made loans to the Milesians of Rhodian silver:
Stiphos son of Akroteles and Timodamas son of Lachartos: 6000 drachmas.
Philophron son of Philistas and Archippos son of Timaithios: 3000 drachmas.
Diotimos and Mellinos, sons of Agathoboulos and Timas son of Timas: 6000 drachmas.
Kleisilochos son of Anaxippidas: 2000 drachmas.
Antigonos son of Epigonos: 6000 drachmas.
Thessalakon son of Kallippos: 3000 drachmas.
Stipholaidas son of Akrotatos: 2000 drachmas.
Antikrates and Philokrates, sons of Epikrates: 3000 drachmas.
Menippos son of Apollodoros: 3000 drachmas.
Euphragoras, Kleumenes and Kleumbrotos, sons of Philistas: 3000 drachmas.
Kallikles son of Athenokritos of Halikarnassos: 6000 drachmas.
Athenodoros son of Theodoros of Cyrene: 12,000 drachmas.
These made loans for three years; the loan begins in the month Artemision in (the stephanephorate) of Alexippos; interest is three obols per mina per month.
The following made loans without interest for a year:
Athenagoras son of Kleon: 6000 drachmas.
Boularchidas son of Archipolis: 6000 drachmas.
Epikydes son of Theanos: 4000 drachmas.
Nikandros son of Symmachos of Halikarnassos: 2000 drachmas.
The total (of the loans): 12 talents and 10 minas of Rhodian (silver).
15. LETTER OF SELEUCUS I AND HIS SON ANTIOCHUS TO AN OFFICIAL
RC 9 281
With the defeat and death of Lysimachus at Koroupedion in 281 mastery of Asia Minor fell to Seleucus. Realizing this, Athymbria, a small community centering on the temple of Hades and Kore near Nysa sent a deputation to him seeking confirmation of their traditional rights of receiving and protecting suppliants, of inviolability, and of exemption from taxation. In the present letter the king, along with his son and co-regent Antiochus, directs Sopatros, the governor of the district, to give the Athymbrians a favorable reply. Particularly noteworthy is his insistence upon the importance of the good-will of the Greek cities. Not long after this letter was written, Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemy Keraunos as he crossed to Europe (late 281).
[King] Seleucus and Antiochus to Sopat[ros, greeting]. The Athymbrians [having sent] to us [as envoys] Iatrokles, Artemidoros and Timotheos concerning their [right of receiving suppliants, their inviolability, and their tax-exemption], we have [ ... ] the details and have written to you that you may reply [to them at greater length]. [For our policy is always] through benefactions [to please] the citizens [of the Greek cities and by no means least] with reverence to join in increasing [the honors] of the gods, [so that we may be the object of good-will] transmissible for all time [to those who come after] us. We are convinced that even in previous times we have given [many great] proofs of [our] personal [reverence, and] now also, [wishing] to be consistent with [our actions from the beginning], [we grant] to all the temples which [have received the right of inviolability ---].
16. ILION AND ANTIOCHUS I
Ilion 32 (OGIS 219) 279-274
After successfully dealing with a rebellion in the Seleukis that began at the death of Seleucus in 281, Antiochus I crossed the Taurus mountains into Asia Minor and within five years succeeded in concluding peace both with Antigonus Gonatas and with the Gauls. During the very early years of the new reign, the city of Ilion had already established a cult of Antiochus. In the present inscription, they confer upon him honors that reflect his successes in Asia Minor. Ilion had been loyal in support of Seleucus (cf. the end of this decree and Ilion 31 [OGIS 212]) and was always solicitous of his son (cf., probably, 18).
The epimenios being Nymphios son of Diotrephes, the epistates being Dionysios son of Hippomedon, Demetrios the son of Dies spoke: Whereas King Antiochus, son of King Seleucus, when he first took over the kingship and adopted a glorious and noble policy, sought to restore the cities of the Seleukis, which were beset by difficult circumstances on account of those who were in rebellion, to peace and to their former prosperity, and, marching out against those who attacked his kingdom, as was just, (sought) to recover his ancestral empire; wherefore, embarking upon a noble and just enterprise and having not only his friends and forces eager to support him to the end in his struggle for the state but also the supernatural as a kind ally, he restored the cities to peace and his kingdom to its former condition; and now, coming to the area on this side of the Taurus (mountains) he has with all zealous concern at once established peace for the cities and brought his affairs and his kingdom to a greater and more brilliant condition, mostly thanks to his own virtue, but also thanks to the good-will of his friends and his forces; so, in order that the demos, since even previously at the time when he took over the kingship - it regularly made vows and sacrifices to all the gods on his behalf, may show the king clearly that it is now well-disposed and has the same policy, be it resolved by the boule and the demos, for the priestess and the hieronomoi and the prytaneis to pray to Athena Ilias, along with the ambassadors, that his presence has been (for the good) of the King and of his sister the Queen and of his friends and forces, and that all other good things accrue to the King and the Queen, and that their affairs and kingdom remain (steadfast), progressing just as they themselves intend; and for all the other priests and priestesses to pray, with the priest of King Antiochus, 'I to Apollo the founder of his line and to Victory and to Zeus and to all the other gods and goddesses. With the prayers to Athena let the hieronomoi and the prytaneis, with the priestess and the ambassadors, perform the customary and ancestral sacrifice; (with the prayers) to Apollo and the other gods let the strategoi, with the other priests and priestesses, (perform the sacrifice). When they make the sacrifices, let all the citizens and paroikoi wear garlands, and let them, meeting [in their houses] perform sacrifices to the gods on behalf of the King and the demos. And, [in order that] the role of the demos in promoting these things pertaining to honor and glory [may be clear to all], (be it resolved) to praise him for the virtue and courage he always has, [and to set up] a golden image [of him] on horseback in the sanctuary of Athena in the most conspicuous [place] by the altar of white stone, and to inscribe upon it: “The demos (of the Mans (dedicates this statue of) King] Antiochus, son of King Seleucus, on account of his piety towards the sanctuary, he who has become [benefactor and] savior of the demos.” And for the agonothetes and the s[ynhedroi] to make a proclamation [at the Panathenaia at the] athletic contest, [when the] city and the other cities crown [Athena] Ilias with the (crown of valor], making the announcement [ - 1; and to choose as ambassadors from among all [the Ilians three men, who], saluting him for the [demos and rejoicing at the fact that] he and [his sister the Queen and their children] and his friends and the [forces] are (all) in good health, [shall report to him the decreed honor], and, relating [the good-will of the demos, which it has always] continued [to hold toward both] his father King S[eleucus and the whole royal house], shall call upon [him ---.]
47. The area of northern Syria, including the cities Antioch-by-Daphne, Seleukia, Apamea, and Laodikeia.
48. A reference to the peace concluded between Antiochus and Antigonus Gonatas in 279 or 278; or possibly to that concluded after the defeat of the Gauls, in 275/4; or perhaps indeed, to both.
49. This indicates that there already existed a cult of Antiochus at Ilion.
17. KOS GIVES THANKS FOR THE DEFEAT OF THE GAULS
Syll.3 398 278
At the time of his death in battle against Seleucus at Koroupedion in 281 Lysimachus had for four decades been (among other things, to be sure) filling the role played in the fourth century and before by the kings of Macedon and in the third and second (from ca. 277/6 to 167) by the Antigonids in Macedon, namely, withstanding the almost constant pressure of the various tribes to the north. Whether anyone could have withstood the Gallic forces in the winter of 280/79 is unknown; Seleucus was murdered later in the year of Koroupedion on his way to Greece, and his murderer, Ptolemy Keraunos, ended his brief reign of Macedon fighting against the invaders. The Gauls reached Delphi but soon began to fall prey to the guerrilla conducted from the mountains by the peoples of central Greece, above all the Aetolians, and to the weather. At Delphi itself the Greeks were aided by a severe hail/snow storm (the “white maidens” of the oracle in Diod. 22.9.5; cf. Justin 24.8 and the “epiphany” in the present text). The northward retreat of the Gauls was, for them, disastrous. This decree of the Koans is the earliest surviving reference to the events of 280-278 and must have been passed as soon as it became clear that the Gauls were indeed leaving Greece.
Diokles son of Philinos spoke. Whereas, the barbarians having made a campaign against the Greeks and against the sanctuary in Delphi, it is announced that those who came against the sanctuary have met with vengeance at the hands of the god and at the hands of the men who went to the aid of the sanctuary at the time of the barbarians' attack, and that the sanctuary has been preserved and, moreover, adorned with the arms of the attackers, and that most of the rest of the attackers perished in their battles with the Greeks; - in order that the demos may be manifest in sharing with the Greeks pleasure at the victory that has occurred and in rendering thank-offerings to the god on account of the epiphany that took place amidst the dangers surrounding the sanctuary and the safety of the Greeks; - with good fortune, be it resolved by the demos: that the architheoros and the theoroi who have been chosen, when they arrive in Delphi, are to sacrifice a gilt-horned ox to Pythian Apollo on behalf of the safety of the Greeks, and to pray that good things befall the demos of the Koans and that they conduct their political affairs with concord in democracy, and that it go well for all time with those of the Greeks who went to the aid of the sanctuary and that the prostatai also are to make a sacrifice to Pythian Apollo and to Zeus the Savior and to Victory; let them sacrifice to each of the gods an unblemished victim; the day on which they make the sacrifice is to be held sacred and garlands are to be worn by the citizens and the paroikoi and all the others resident in Kos; let the sacred herald proclaim that the demos holds the day sacred in honor of the safety and victory of the Greeks, and that it will be well and propitious for those wearing garlands; let them make the sacrifice in the month Panamos; let the treasurer provide for the sacrifice in Delphi 400 drachmas, for that in Kos 160 drachmas; let the prostatai see to it that the money is dispatched to the theoroi and that the sacrifices in Kos take place; let the poletai let a contract for inscribing of this decree on a stone stele and for setting it up in the sanctuary of Asklepios.