C. The Period of Stability (276-221)


Ilion 33 (RC 10-13)                                                                                            ca. 274

This dossier, inscribed all together at Ilion, relates to a substantial gift of royal land to one Aristodikides of Assos by Antiochus I (on the dating and the ascription to this Antiochus, which is not certain, cf. RC, p. 64). Of Aristodikides nothing further is known, but the fact that he is designated “friend” of the king is significant. It shows that “he belonged ... to the half-military, half-political nobility of merit which grew up rapidly under the Hellenistic dynasties, and if we may draw any conclusions from the extensive land grants made to him, his place in it must have been high” (ibid.). The dossier is introduced by a covering letter to Ilion from Meleager (13), Antiochus' deputy in Asia Minor (cf. 66), and there follow three letters of Antiochus to Meleager (10-12): the first announces the initial gift to Aristodikides, the second increases it (this after an intervention by Aristodikides), and the third amends it in the light of problems encountered along the way.


Meleager to the boule and the demos of the Ilians, greeting. Aristodikides of Assos has given us letters from King Antiochus, the copies of which we have written for you below. He has also himself come to us, saying that although many others address themselves to him and confer on him crowns—a fact which we ourselves know because certain embassies have come to us from the cities—he wishes, both because of the sanctuary and because of the good-will he entertains toward you, to join to your city the land given him by King Antiochus. What he thinks should be granted him by the city, then, he himself will make clear. You would do well to vote all his privileges and to inscribe the terms of the grant which he will make on a stele and to place it in the sanctuary, so that the grant may remain securely yours for all time. Farewell.


King Antiochus to Meleager, greeting. We have given to Aristodikides of Assos two thousand plethra of cultivable land to join to the city of the Ilians or the Skepsians. Do you therefore give orders to convey to Aristodikides from the land adjacent to that of Gergis or Skepsis, wherever you think best, the two thousand plethra of land, and to add them to the boundaries of the (land) of the Ilians or the Skepsians. Farewell.


King Antiochus to Meleager, greeting. Aristodikides of Assos has come to us, asking us to give him in the Hellespontine satrapy Petra, which formerly Meleager held, and of the land of Petra fifteen hundred plethra suitable for cultivation, and two thousand other plethra of cultivable land from that adjacent to the lot previously given to him. And we have given him both Petra, unless it has been given previously to someone else, and two thousand plethra of cultivable land besides, because he as our friend has furnished us his services with all good-will and enthusiasm. Do you therefore having made an investigation, if this Petra has not already been given to someone else, convey it with its land to Aristodikides, and from the crown land adjacent to the land formerly given to Aristodikides give orders for the surveying and conveyance to him of two thousand plethra, and that he be permitted to join (his holding) to any of the cities he wishes in our country and alliance. If the crown peasants of the region in which Petra lies wish to live in Petra for protection, we have ordered Aristodikides to allow them to live (there). Farewell.


King Antiochus to Meleager, greeting. Aristodikides has come to us, saying that, because it had been assigned to Athenaios the commander of the naval base, he has not even yet received the place Petra and the land belonging to it which we previously wrote giving it to him, and he has asked that there be conveyed to him instead of the land of Petra the same number of plethra elsewhere, and that there be granted to him two thousand plethra besides, which he may join to any of the cities in our alliance he wishes, just as we wrote before. Seeing therefore that he is well-disposed and enthusiastic in our interest we are anxious to favor the man highly, and we have given our consent in this matter also. He says that his grant of the land of Petra was fifteen hundred plethra. Do you therefore give orders to survey and to convey to Aristodikides of cultivable land both the twenty-five hundred plethra and, instead of the land belonging to Petra, fifteen hundred other plethra suitable for cultivation from the crown land adjacent to that originally given him by us. (Give orders) also to permit Aristodikides to join the land to any of the cities in our alliance he wishes, just as we wrote in our earlier letter. Farewell.


Land given him by King Antiochus: This issue, treated in all three letters of Antiochus, arises because there were only two categories of land (excluding perhaps some temple land), crown land and city land. Land that passed from the king must needs become part of the territory of some city or another. As an element of the original gift (10) Antiochus gave Aristodikides the choice between Skepsis and Ilion. This was then (11, 12) extended to any allied city, but Aristodikides chose to have his new land attached to the territory of Ilion

Someone else: It seems extraordinary that Antiochus should not know this. Evidently only inspection on the spot could answer the question.

Twenty-five hundred plethra: Either a mistake (the figure earlier in the text was 2000) or an act of generosity, perhaps as compensation for Petra. If the figure is correct, the land given to Aristodikides in all these presentations amounted to 6000 plethra (the 2000 of 10, the 2000 of 11, which seem to recur in 12, first as 2000 and then as 2500, and the 1500 of 12) or, perhaps, 8000 (if the 2000 of I I arc not the same as the 2000/2500 of 12).


Staatsverträge 476 (Syll.3  434/5)                                                                        265/4

Although it is not a war vote, this decree effectively marks the beginning of the war named after its proposer. The target was Antigonus Gonatas of Macedon, here cast in the role of enemy of the cities of Greece, who had been extending his influence and control in Greece since securing the throne of Macedon in 277/6. The instigator of this bellicose co-operation between Athens and Sparta was clearly Ptolemy II of Egypt, whose influence in Greece had been waning directly as Antigonus' increased. The attempt proved disastrous for the Spartans, who were defeated in a battle near Corinth that cost them their king, Areus, for the Athenians, who capitulated to Antigonus in 261/0 after a siege that Ptolemy's admiral Patroklos had failed to break, and for Ptolemy himself, who eventually lost his naval domination of the Aegean after a defeat at the hands of the Macedonian navy.

Gods. In the archonship of Peithedemos, in the second prytany, that of (the tribe) Erechtheis, on the ninth (day) of Metageitnion, the ninth (day) of the prytany, (in) a statutory assembly. Of the prohedroi Sostratos, son of Kallistratos, of (the deme) Erchia, and his fellow prohedroi put the motion to the vote. Resolved by the demos: Chremonides, son of Eteokles, of (the deme) Aithalidai, spoke: Whereas in former times the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians and the allies of each, after making friendship and common alliance with one another, together fought many noble struggles alongside one another against those who were trying to enslave the cities, from which deeds they both won for themselves fair reputation and brought about freedom for the rest of the Greeks, and (whereas) now, when similar circumstances have overtaken all Greece on account of those who are trying to overthrow the laws and the ancestral institutions of each (of the cities), King Ptolemy, in accordance with the policy of his ancestors and his sister, shows clearly his concern for the common freedom of the Greeks, and the demos of the Athenians, having made an alliance with him, has voted to urge the rest of the Greeks toward the same policy; and, likewise, the Lacedaemonians, being friends and allies of King Ptolemy, have voted an alliance with the demos of the Athenians, along with the Eleians and Achaeans and Tegeans and Mantineians and Orchomenians and Phialians and Kaphyans and as many of the Cretans as are in the alliance of the Lacedaemonians and Areus and the other allies, and have sent ambassadors from the synhedroi to the demos (of the Athenians), and their ambassadors having arrived, make clear the zealous concern which the Lacedaemonians and Areus and the rest of the allies have toward the demos of the Athenians, and bring with them the agreement about the alliance; (and) in order that, a state of common concord having come to exist among the Greeks, the Greeks may be, along with King Ptolemy and with each other, eager contenders against those who have wronged the cities and violated their treaties with them, and may for the future with mutual good-will save the cities; with good fortune, be it resolved by the demos: that the friendship and alliance of the Athenians with the Lacedaemonians and the Kings of the Lacedaemonians, and the Eleians and Achaeans and Tegeans and Mantineians and Orchomenians and Phialians and Kaphyans and as many of the Cretans as are in the alliance of the Lacedaemonians and Areus and the rest of the allies, be valid for all [time, the one which] the ambassadors bring with them; and that [the] secretary of the prytany have (it) inscribed on a bronze stele and [set up] on the Acropolis, by the temple of Athena Polias; and that [the] magistrates [swear] to the ambassadors who have come [from them the oath] about the alliance, according to [ancestral custom]; and to send [the] ambassadors [who have been] elected by the demos to receive the oaths [from] the [rest of the Greeks]; and further, that [the demos immediately] elect [two] synhedroi [from among] all [the Athenians] who shall deliberate [about the common] good with Areus and the synhedroi [sent by the allies]; and that [those in charge] of public administration distribute to those chosen (as synhedroi) provisions for as long as they shall be away [whatever] the demos shall decide [when electing them]; and to Praise [the ephors] of the Lacedaemonians and Areus and the allies, [and to crown them] with a gold crown in accordance with the law; [and further, to praise the] ambassadors who have come from them, Theom [. . . of Lacedae]mon and Argeios son of Kleinias of Elis, [and to crown] each of them with a gold crown, in accordance with [the law, on account of their zealous concern] and the good-will which they bear toward [the rest of the allies] and the demos of the Athenians; and that [each of them] be entitled to receive [other] benefits from the boule [and the demos, if they seem] to deserve [any]; and to invite them [also to receive hospitality] tomorrow [in the prytaneion], and that the secretary of the prytany have inscribed [this decree also and the agreement] upon a [stone] stele and have it set up on the Acropolis, and that those in charge of [public administration] allocate [the expense for the inscription and erection] of the stele, [whatever it] may be. The following were elected synhedroi: Kallippos of (the deme) Eleusis, [and- - - ].

The treaty and alliance [of the Lacedaemonians and the allies] of the Lacedaemonians with [the Athenians and the allies] of the Athenians, [to be valid] for all [time]: [Each (of the parties)], being [free] and autonomous, [is to have its own territory, using its own political institutions in accordance with] ancestral tradition. If anyone [comes with war as their object against the land] of the Athenians or [is overthrowing] the laws, [or comes with war as their object against] the allies of the Athenians, [the Lacedaemonians and the allies] of the Lacedaemonians [shall come to the rescue in full strength to the best of their ability. If] anyone comes with war as their object [against the land of the Lacedaemonians], or is overthrowing [the] laws, [or comes with war as their object against the allies] of the Lacedaemonians, [the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians shall come to the rescue in full strength to the best of their ability.] - - - The (following) Athenians swear the oath to the Lacedaemonians [and to those from each] city: the strategoi and the [boule of 600 and the] archons and the phylarchs and the taxiarchs [and the hipparchs]. “I swear by Zeus, Ge, Helios, Ares, Athena Areia, [Poseidon, Demeter] that I shall remain in the alliance that has been made; [to those abiding by this oath] may many good things befall, to those not, the opposite.” (Of the Lacedaemonians] (the following) swear the same oath to the Athenians: the [kings and the ephors (and)] the gerontes. And the magistrates [are to swear the same oath also in the other] cities. If [it seems preferable to the Lacedaemonians and) the allies and the Athenians (to add something) or to remove something in respect to (the terms of) the alliance, [then whatever is decided upon by both] will be in accord with the oath. (The cities are) to have [the agreement] inscribed [upon) stelai and have (them) set up in a sanctuary wherever they wish.


His sister: Arsinoe (Philadelphos), daughter of Ptolemy I and sister of Ptolemy II, was also the second wife of the latter, the first having been Arsinoe, daughter of Lysimachus.

Areus: son of Acrotatus, king of Sparta from 309 to 265/4. He died in battle against Antigonus at the Isthmus in the first year of the war.

Synhedroi: i.e., from the council of the states in the Spartan alliance; cf. further on in the inscription.


Erythrai 504 (OGIS 222)                                                                                   268-262

This inscription (from Klazomenai) contains resolutions of the Ionian League about the cult of Antiochus I. His birthday is to be celebrated, as was Alexander's, and a sacred precinct is to be established as the seat of his and his son's worship by the League. Besides the obvious fact that the Ionian cities are seeking to please Antiochus in this increasingly standard way, one may note that they count upon him to support established democracies. In this respect the Seleucids were the heirs of the policy of Antigonus toward the Greek cities. (For the origins of the various restorations, see the notes to Erythrai 504.)

- - - (on) the fourth (of the month ... ) in order that we may celebrate the [day on which King Antiochus] was born with [all] reverence [and] thankfulness: (be it resolved also) to give to [each] of those who [take part in the festivities] as much as is given for the [procession and sacrifice (in honor) of] Alexander. And in order that [King Antiochus and] Queen Stratonike 56 may know [what has been decreed by the koinon of the] Ionians in respect to the honors, (be it resolved) [to choose immediately from among ... "I two (men) from each city who have [before this time] served as ambassadors to King [Antiochus, and for these] to deliver [to the king] this decree [from the koinon] of the Ionian cities [... and for them to accomplish whatever good] they may be able to for the koinon [of the cities]. And let the ambassadors [call upon] King [Antiochus] to take [every] care for the [Ionian] cities [in order that (the cities) being free and [being] democracies, may [with concord] continue to conduct their own internal political affairs according to (their) ancestral [laws]. And [let] the ambassadors [make clear] to him that [by doing this] he will be responsible for [many] good things for the cities [and at the same time he will be following the] policy of his ancestors." [And let the ambassadors] call upon King Antiochus to indicate [the place which may to him] seem to be [the finest], in which the sacred precinct [of the kings shall be consecrated] and the festival [shall be] celebrated. (And be it further resolved), [when] the embassies [have returned], for the city [in which they perform (?) the] sacrifice of the Alexandreia" [to summon all the demoi] who share in the [sacrifice, in order that, according to the decision] of the synhedrion, they may deliberate [about... and the sacrifices] and about the rest of the matters, how [they will come to pass and at what] times they should be carried out. [And when the] decree [has been ratified] for the synhedroi (there) present from the cities to perform a sacrifice to all the gods and goddesses and to Kings Antiochus [and Antiochus] 60 and Queen Stratonike, and to sacrifice victims free from blemish, and for the synhedroi and everyone else in the city to wear garlands; and for the priests and priestesses to open the temples and burn incense, praying that the resolutions may be of benefit to Kings Antiochus and Antiochus and to Queen Stratonike and to , fall] those sharing in the honors. And (be it further resolved) to have this decree inscribed on a stele, and (with it) the names and patronymics of the synhedroi who have come from the cities, and placed in the sacred precinct by the altar of the kings; and that the demoi in the individual cities have this decree inscribed, and (with it) the names and patronymics of the synhedroi, [and set up in whatever place] may seem most conspicuous.


Stratonike: the daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes. She had been married to Seleucus I before he gave her in marriage to his son Antiochus.

To choose immediately from among ...: Or, “from among the synhedroi”.

Policy of his ancestors: This conventional reference need to refer to no more than Antiochus' father, but it might be taken to include Antigonus as well.

Sacrifice of the Alexandreia: The chief rite in the League cult of Alexander.

Kings Antiochus and Antiochus: The name of' Antiochus (son of Antiochus I and co-regent with his father and soon to become Antiochus II) was mistakenly omitted here.


Milet I 3  139 (incl. RC 14)                                                                                ca. 262

This inscription from Miletos contains three elements: (A) a letter from Ptolemy II to the city thanking it for its support; (B) a decree of Miletos instructing the council to have Ptolemy's communication and envoy brought before a meeting of the assembly; (C) a proposal of one Peithenous (who was stephanephoros at Miletos in 261/0) adopted at that meeting of the assembly. The troubles which Miletos endured in support of Ptolemy are probably the same as are reflected in the list of Milesian stephanephoroi (Milet I 3 123). From 266/5 through 263/2 this eponymous magistracy was held by Apollo himself: the situation was such that no one else could be found to take on the position. This is the period of the Chremonidean War, to which the military activity referred to in Peithenous' decree (including an attack by sea--presumably by the Macedonian navy) would thus belong. These events at Miletos may accordingly be seen as having taken place not long before the decisive defeat inflicted upon Ptolemy's fleet by Antigonus Gonatas in the battle of Kos (258?).

A. (RC 14)

King Ptolemy to the boule and the demos of the Milesians, greeting. I have in former times shown all zeal on behalf of your city, both giving land and exercising care in all other matters, as was proper because I saw that our father was kindly disposed toward the city and was responsible for many benefits for you and relieved you of harsh and oppressive taxes and tolls which certain of the kings had imposed. Now also, as you have guarded fittingly your city and your friendship and alliance with us--for my son and Kallikrates and the other friends who are with you have written me what a demonstration you have made of your good-will toward us--we consequently praise you highly and shall try to requite your people through benefactions, and we call upon you for the future to maintain the same policy toward us so that, this being the case, we may exercise even more care for your city. We have ordered Hegestratos to address you at greater length on these subjects and to give you our greeting. Farewell.


Resolved by the boule and demos; proposal of the epistatai; Eparneinon, son of Hestiaios, spoke: that the secretary of the boule is to bring before the assembly on the fourth day from the end of this month the letter which Hegestratos brought from King Ptolemy and to have it read to the demos, and also the epistatai are to bring Hegestratos before the assembly, and that the demos, having heard (Hegestratos and the letters) is to take counsel for what seems to be best.


Resolved by the demos; proposal of the epistatai; Peithenous son of Tharsagoras spoke: (concerning) the other matters (let it be) as the boule has decreed; whereas, when the demos had even previously chosen friendship and alliance with the god and savior Ptolemy, it happened that the city became prosperous and renowned and that the demos was judged worthy of many great goods, for which reasons the demos honored him with the greatest and most noble honors, and (whereas) his son, King Ptolemy, having succeeded to the throne, and having renewed the friendship and alliance with the city, has shown all zeal in promoting the interests of all the Milesians, giving land and arranging the peace for the demos and being responsible for other good things as well for the city, and now, when many great wars overtook us by land and sea and the enemy attacked our city by sea, the king, having learned that the city had stood honorably by its friendship and alliance with him, dispatched letters and the ambassador Hegestratos and praises the demos for its policy and promises to take all care for the city and to requite it even more with benefactions and calls upon the demos to maintain its friendship toward him for the future as well, and (whereas) the ambassador Hegestratos made similar declarations about the good-will which the king holds toward the city; be it resolved by the demos to praise King Ptolemy, because in all circumstances he has the same policy about what is of benefit to the city; and, in order that for the future as well the demos may make manifest its zeal in the interest of his [son] and himself, to call upon the citizens to take the oath to maintain for all time the friendship and alliance which exist between the city and King Ptolemy and his descendants; and for the ephebes, when, after [finishing their training] and completing the prescribed requirements, they leave the gymnasium, to swear to abide by the ratified decisions of the demos and to maintain the friendship and alliance with King Ptolemy and his descendants; and, in order that both the policy of the king toward the city and the good-will of the demos toward the king may be remembered for all time, to have this decree and the letter (of the king) inscribed on a stone stele and to have it set up in the sanctuary of Apollo beside the statue of Ptolemy the god and savior; and for the teichopoioi to let a contract for the preparation of the stele and the inscription of the decree and the letter, and for those chosen to be in charge of the defense of the city to provide the expense from the wall-maintenance fund; and for the ambassadors previously chosen by the demos to deliver the decree to the king. Resolved by the demos to have the decree inscribed on a whitened tablet.


Giving land:  See Milet I 3.122- 1

Kings had imposed: Cf. 14.

My son: This individual is probably to be identified with the “son Ptolemy” who appears in papyri as co-ruler with Ptolemy II between 267 and 259, and with the son of Ptolemy who revolted from his father at Ephesos in 259 (?) (Athenaeus 593; Trogus, Prologues 26).

Kallikrates: son of Boiskos of Samos; he was active in the Aegean in Ptolemy's service in the 270's and 260's.

God and savior: Ptolemy I Soter.


Erythrai 31 (RC 15; OGIS 223)                                                              after 261 (?)

It is not altogether certain whether the author of this letter is Antiochus I or II. On balance, the flattering tone of the letter (and the similar character of the gestures made by Erythrai) accord better with the beginning of a reign. It is, moreover, less likely to have been Antiochus 1, always at war, who remitted the Gallic war tax than his son, who will have been particularly anxious at the outset of his reign to secure the loyalty of important Greek cities (RC, p. 81; see, however, Habicht, Gottmenschentum2 96-99, where the letter is assigned to Antiochus I and seen in connection with 20). (The aim of the Gallic fund itself may have been either to meet actual war costs or to pay the Gauls to leave Antiochus and those places subject to him in peace.) After the king's letter was inscribed a decree of the Erythraians; of this little survives, as of the Erythraian decree (Erythrai 30) referred to by Antiochus at the beginning.

King Antiochus to the boule and the demos of the Erythraians, greeting. Tharsynon and Pythes and Bottas, your envoys, delivered to us the decree by which you voted the honors and the crown with which you crowned us, and gave us likewise the gold intended as a gift of friendship. Having discoursed on the good-will which you have always held toward our house and on the gratitude which the people entertain toward all their benefactors, and likewise on the esteem in which the city has been held under the former kings, they asked with all earnestness and zeal that we should be friendly to you and should aid in advancing the city's interests in all that pertains to glory and honor. We have then accepted in a friendly spirit the honors and the crown and likewise the gift, and we praise you for being grateful in all things--for you seem generally to pursue this policy. We have therefore from the beginning continued to entertain good-will toward you, seeing that you act sincerely and honestly in all matters, and we are now even more attracted to you, recognizing your nobility from many other things and to no small extent from the decree which has been delivered to us and from what was said by the embassy. And since Tharsynon and Pythes and Bottas have shown that under Alexander and Antigonus your city was autonomous and free from tribute, while our ancestors were always zealous on its behalf; since we see that their judgment was just, and since we ourselves wish not to lag behind in conferring benefits, we shall help you to maintain your autonomy and we grant you exemption not only from other tribute but even from [the] contributions [to] the Gallic fund. You shall have also [... and] any other benefit which we may think of or [you ask for]. We call upon you also, remembering that [we have always] tried earnestly - - - good-will as is just and - - - consistent with your previous actions - - - that you will remember suitably [those by whom] you have been benefited. [More about these matters and] and the other questions which we discussed your envoys [will report to you], whom [we praise] both for their [other conduct and] especially for the concern they have shown [for the interests of the demos]. Farewell.


Staatsverträge 481 (OGIS 266)                                                                      263-241

At some point in his reign (perhaps more likely near the beginning than the end) Eumenes was faced with a mercenaries' revolt that evidently lasted for four months. The following inscription, found at Pergamon, contains the concessions made by Eumenes to bring an end to the trouble and the oaths sworn by Eumenes and the soldiers.

Requests which Eumenes son of Philetairos granted to [the] soldiers [in] Philetairea. and to those in Attaleia. To pay as the cash value of the grain (allowance) four drachmas the medimnos, and of the wine (allowance) four drachmas the metretes. Concerning the year: that it be reckoned as having ten months, and he will not observe an intercalary (month). Concerning those who have rendered the full number (of campaigns) and who are not in service: That they receive the pay for the time they have served. Concerning the affairs of orphans: that the next of kin take them over, or the one to whom (the decedent) has left (them). Concerning taxes: that the freedom from taxes in the 44th year shall obtain. If anyone goes out of the service or asks to be dismissed, let him be released, removing his own belongings free of impost. Concerning the pay which was agreed for the four months: that the agreed amount be given, and let it not be reckoned as part of the (regular) pay. Concerning the “poplar-corps”: that they receive the grain for the period for which (they were granted) also the garland.

Let him inscribe the oath and the agreement on four stone stelae, and let him set them up, one in Pergamon in the sanctuary of Athena, one in Gryneion, one in Delos, one in Mitylene in the (sanctuary) of Asklepios.

The oath sworn by Paramonos and the commanders and the soldiers under them in Philetairea-under-Ida and Polylaos and the commanders and soldiers under him in Attaleia and Attinas (the) hipparch and the cavalrymen under him and Holoichos and the Trallians under him: “I swear by Zeus, Ge, Helios, Poseidon, Demeter, Ares, Athena Areia, and the Tauropolos, and all the other gods and goddesses. I settle with Eumenes, son of Philetairos, from the best motives, and I shall bear good-will toward him and his offspring, and I shall not plot against Eumenes, son of Philetairos, nor shall I take up arms against him nor shall I desert Eumenes, but I shall fight on his behalf and on behalf of his state as long as I am alive and until I die. And I shall provide other service with good-will and without hesitation, with all zeal to the best of my ability; and if I perceive anyone plotting against Eumenes, son of Philetairos, or otherwise acting against him or his state, I shall not allow (him) to the best of my ability, and I shall, immediately or as quickly as I am able, announce the one doing any of these things to Eumenes, son of Philetairos, or to whoever I consider will most quickly reveal it to him. And I shall preserve, if I take anything over from him, either city or garrison or ships or money or anything else that may be handed over to me, and I shall return (it) correctly and justly to Eumenes son of Philetairos or to whomever he may command, provided he does what has been agreed. I shall not accept letters from the enemy, and I shall not receive an ambassador nor myself send (such) to them; and if anyone brings (letters) to me, I shall take them, sealed, and I shall lead the one who brought them as quickly as I am able to Eumenes son of Philetairos, or I shall take (them) and lead (him) to whoever I consider will most quickly reveal (the matter) to him. And I shall not deal fraudulently regarding this oath by any means or pretext whatsoever. And I release Eumenes the son of Attalus from the oath, and also those who swore with him, when the matters agreed upon have been carried out. And may it be well for me and mine if I keep my oath and remain in good-will towards Eumenes son of Philetairos, but if I should break the oath or transgress any of the agreements, may I and my line be accursed.

Oath of Eumenes: I swear by Zeus, Ge, Helios, Poseidon, Apollo, Demeter, Ares, Athena Areia, and the Tauropolos, and all the other gods and goddesses. I shall maintain good-will towards Paramonos and the commanders and the others under pay in the command in Philetaireia-under-Ida, those under the orders of Paramonos, and towards Arkes, and towards the garrisons under him, and towards Philonides and towards those serving without pay who have joined in swearing the oath and towards all that is theirs and towards Polylaos and the commanders and all other soldiers placed under his command in Attaleia, infantry and cavalry and Trallians, as long as they campaign with us; and I shall not plot, nor shall anyone else on my account, nor shall I betray them or [anything of] what is theirs to any enemy, [neither those in charge (?)] of them nor those chosen by the rank and file, in any way or under any pretext whatsoever, nor shall I carry [arms] against (them), nor - - -


Intercalary month: The reference is to the military year of ten months for which the mercenaries were engaged.

44th year:  The Seleucid era was used by Eumenes; year 44 = 269/8; the freedom from taxes was granted originally by Philetairos.

Poplar-corps: Soldiers awarded a garland of poplar.

Eumenes the son of Attalus: This is likely Eumenes' cousin, son of his father's brother. It has been suggested that he was taken prisoner by the soldiers and a promise exacted from him on oath.


P. Cair. Zen. II 59251                                                                                                     252

Part of the agreement between Ptolemy II and Antiochus II that ended the Second Syrian War (259-253) was the marriage of the latter to Ptolemy's daughter Berenike, thus displacing Antiochus' first queen, Laodike, and preparing the dynastic rivalry in the Seleucid house that erupted into the Third Syrian War on the death of Antiochus. Ptolemy accompanied his daughter as far as Pelusium, the eastern edge of Egypt, and the dioiketes Apollonios escorted her, with an undoubtedly large retinue and her enormous dowry, as far as the Syrian border between Ptolemaic and Seleucid possessions. During the return journey, Artemidoros, the private physician of the finance minister, writes as follows to Zenon with various requests. On Apollonios' agent Zenon, who appears in many papyri in this volume, see M. Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate in Egypt (Madison 1922);  Cl. Préaux, Les Grecs en Égypte d’après les archives de Zénon (Bruxelles 1947); Cl. Orrieux, Les papyrus de Zénon (1983).

Artemidoros to Zenon, greeting. If you are well, it would be excellent. I too am well, and Apollonios is in good health, and other things are satisfactory. As I write to you, we have just arrived in Sidon after accompanying the queen as far as the border, and I expect to be with you soon. You will please me by taking care of yourself so that you may be well and by writing to me if you want anything that I can do for you. And please buy me, so that I may get them when I arrive, three metretai of the best honey and 600 artabas of barley for the animals, paying the price of these things from the sesame and kroton; and please take care of the house in Philadelphia so that I may find it roofed when I arrive. Try also as best you can to keep watch on the oxen and the pigs and the geese and the rest of the livestock there, for in this way I shall have a better supply of provisions. And take care that the crops are harvested in some manner, and if any outlay is necessary, do not hesitate to pay what is necessary. Farewell. Year 33, intercalary Peritios 6. (Address) to Zenon. To Philadelphia. (Docket) Year 33, Phamenoth 6. Artemidoros.


The translation is in the main that of Sel.Pap. 93.

Sidon was the most northern of the major port cities of the Ptolemaic province of Syria and Phoenicia.



RC 18-20 (OGIS 225 +)                                                                                             254/3

This dossier, from the sanctuary of Apollo at Didyma, containing a letter of Antiochus II and two letters of subordinate Seleucid officials, deals with the sale of a tract of land in Asia Minor to his recently divorced wife Laodike. At the time preparations were being made for the dynastic marriage of Antiochus to Berenike, daughter of Ptolemy II of Egypt (see  24). The price paid, 30 talents, is minimal for land estimated at 15,000 ha (cf. RC, p. 96), but the effect of the sale was to remove the property from the royal domain and turn it into privately owned land in the territory of a city (cf. 18). A gift would have been potentially revocable by the king. The extensive publicity to be given the transaction seems also to have been aimed at guaranteeing Laodike's ownership of the property. The dossier as inscribed begins with what remains of the covering letter (19) of Metrophanes, who was governor of the Hellespontine satrapy, in which the land was located, or dioiketes of the kingdom (Bengtson, Strategie II, 103). This was addressed to the hyparch of the district. Then came the royal letter (18) and the required survey report (20) of the hyparch. Lost is the letter of the oikonomos referred to in the hyparch's report, which originally stood before the others.


[ - - - the copy of the edict written] by him [ - I and to the other [ - - - to place] the stelae in [the designated cities. Do you] then in accordance with the letter of the [king] place the contract and give orders to have the deed of sale and the survey inscribed on two stone stelae, and of these to set up the one in Ephesos in the sanctuary of Artemis and the other in Didyma in the sanctuary of Apollo, and to supply from the royal treasury the money required for this. Let it be your care that the stelae be erected as soon as possible, and when it is done write to us also. We have written to Timoxenos the archivist to file the deed of sale and the survey in the royal records at Sardes, as the king has directed. [Year 59,] Daisios.


King Antiochus to Metrophanes, greeting. We have sold to Laodike (the village) Pannoukome and the manor-house and the land belonging to the village, bounded by the land of Zelia and by that of Kyzikos and by the old road which used to run above Pannoukome, but which has been plowed up [by the] neighboring farmers so that they might take the place for themselves--the present Pan[noukome] was formed afterward--and any hamlets there may be in this land, and the folk who live there with their households and all their property, and with the income of [the] fifty-ninth year, at (a price of) thirty talents of silver--so also any of the folk of this village who have moved away into other places--on the terms that she will pay no taxes to the royal treasury and that she will have the right to join the land to any city she wishes; in the same way also any who buy or receive it from her will have the same right and will join it to whatever city they wish unless Laodike has already joined it to a city, in which case they will own the land as part of the territory (of the city) to which it has been joined by Laodike. We have given orders to make payment in the treasury at. . in three installments, the first in the month Audnaios in the sixtieth year,  the second in Xandikos, the third in the following three months. Give orders to convey to Arrhidaios, the manager of Laodike's property, the village and the manor-house and the land belonging to it and the folk with their households and all their property, and to have the sale entered in the royal records in Sardes, and inscribed on five stelae; (give orders) to erect the first in Ilion in the sanctuary of Athena, another in the sanctuary at Samothrace, another in Ephesos in the sanctuary of Artemis, the fourth in Didyma in the sanctuary of Apollo, and the fifth in Sardes in the sanctuary of Artemis; and (give orders) to survey the land immediately and to mark it with boundary stones, and [to inscribe] the boundaries of the land also on the stelae [just mentioned. Farewell. Year 59], the fifth of Dios.


[The copy of] the [survey. ---] Pannou[kome and the manor-house and the land belonging to it and the] peasants [who live there, and there has been conveyed] to Arrhidaios the manager of Laodike's property by [ ... ] krates the hyparch, the village and the manor-house and the [land] belonging to it, according to the written order of Nikomachos the oikonomos to which were subjoined that from Metrophanes and that from the king which had been written to him, according to which it was necessary to make the survey: from the east, from the land of Zelia by land of Kyzikos, the ancient royal road which runs to Pannoukome above the village and the manor-house this was pointed out by Menekrates the son of Bacchios of Pythokome, it having been plowed up by the (peasants) living next to the place; from this to the altar of Zeus which lies above the manor-house and which is, like the tomb, on the right of the road; from the tomb the royal road itself which leads through the Eupannese to the river Aisepos. [The] land has been marked with stelae according to the boundaries as pointed out.


Daisios: May, 253.

All their property: The royal peasants were attached to the land. When the property became privately owned and attached to a city, their position would be that of non-citizen residents of the city.

Audnaios in the sixtieth year:  December, 253.

Xandikos:  March, 252.

Dios: October, 254.


OGIS 54                                                                                                               ca. 246

This inscription, the text of which survives thanks to the copy made of it at Adoulis on the Arabian Gulf by the sixth-century monk Cosmas Indicopleustes, commemorates the campaign made by Ptolemy III at the opening of his reign. His opponent was Seleucus II, who had himself just come to the throne. The conflict, the Third Syrian War, is known also as the Laodikean war, after Laodike, whom Antiochus II had set aside in order to marry Berenike, daughter of Ptolemy II (cf. 24-25). After the death of Antiochus II, Laodike's son succeeded him as Seleucus II, and she forthwith saw to the murder of Berenike and her infant son at Antioch. Ptolemy, too late to save his sister (cf.  27), immediately undertook a march into the Asian heartland of the Seleucid realm. This campaign is referred to also by Jerome in his commentary on the Book of Daniel (11.8): “and he (Ptolemy) came with a great army, and entered into the province of the king of the north, i.e., Seleucus called Callinicus, who was reigning in Syria with his mother Laodice, and dealt masterfully with them and obtained so much as to take Syria and Cilicia and the upper parts across the Euphrates, and almost all Asia. And when he heard that a rebellion was afoot in Egypt, plundering the kingdom of Seleucus he took. 40,000 talents of silver and costly vases, and 2,500 images of the gods, among which were those Cambyses had carried away to Persia when Egypt was taken.” (Cf. also Bevan, House of Ptolemy 192 f f .).

Great King Ptolemy, son of King Ptolemy and Queen Arsinoe the Brother and Sister Gods, the children of King Ptolemy and Queen Berenike the Savior Gods, descendant on the paternal side of Herakles the son of Zeus, on the maternal of Dionysos the son of Zeus, having inherited from his father the kingdom of Egypt and Libya and Syria and Phoenicia and Cyprus and Lycia and Caria and the Cyclades islands led a campaign into Asia with infantry and cavalry and fleet and Troglodytic and Ethiopian elephants, which he and his father were the first to hunt from these lands and, bringing them back into Egypt, to fit out for military service. Having become master of all the land this side of the Euphrates and of Cilicia and Pamphylia and Ionia and the Hellespont and Thrace and of all the forces and Indian elephants in these lands, and having made subject all the princes in the (various) regions, he crossed the Euphrates river and after subjecting to himself Mesopotamia and Babylonia and Sousiane and Persis and Media and all the rest of the land up to Bactriane and having sought out all the temple belongings that had been carried out of Egypt by the Persians and having brought them back with the rest of the treasure from the (various) regions he sent (his) forces to Egypt through the canals that had been dug ---.


Brother-and Sister Gods: Ptolemy 11 Philadelphos and Arsinoe, his wife and (half-)sister.

Savior Gods:  Ptolemy I Soter and Berenike.

Dionysos son of Zeus:  The line is counted as descended from Herakles, son of Zeus, through Hyllos. The latter was the son of Herakles and Deianeira, the daughter of Dionysos and Althaia.

Libya:  This refers primarily to Cyrene.

Syria:  I.e., Coele-Syria.

Lycia: The southern shore of Asia Minor, with the exception of Pamphylia and Cilicia, was under Ptolemaic control.

Cyclades: Cf. Syll.3 390 on Ptolemaic control of the Aegean islands.

Euphrates and Cilicia: See the passage of Jerome quoted above.

Pamphylia: Cf. Polybius 5.34 for Pamphylia under Ptolemaic control early in the reign of Ptolemy IV Philopator.

Ionia: Cf. Polybius 5.35 for Ephesos (and Samos) in the reign of Philopator, also 5.34.

Hellespont: Cf. Polybius 5.34.

Indian elephants: The Seleucids employed Indian elephants. On the Ptolemaic elephant-corps cf. 101.

Bactriane: On the eastern expedition, cf. the passage of Jerome quoted above. According to Justin (27. 1), Ptolemy, “unless he had been recalled to Egypt by a domestic rebellion, would have taken over the entire kingdom of Seleucus.” Cf. Polyaenus 8.50 for the statement that Ptolemy succeeded by a ruse in gaining power from the Tauros to India without a fight, and Jerome (loc.cit.) for the report that Ptolemy handed over the provinces across the Euphrates to Xanthippos to govern.

Brought them back: Cf. Jerome (quoted above) and the Canopus decree of 239/8 (136). It may be noted that the first two Ptolemies are also credited in Egyptian inscriptions with the same accomplishment.


W. Chr. 1                                                                                                    ca. 246

This much-discussed papyrus contains a report, damaged in many places, of military operations by the Ptolemaic armed forces against those of the Seleucid Queen Laodike in the early part of the Third Syrian War (cf. 25), as Ptolemy III, who is himself the writer here, advanced to support the claims of his sister Berenike. Ptolemy reports that Berenike had, while one of Ptolemy's officers was conquering some Seleucid city, given orders for some 1500 talents of silver in Soloi to be captured and brought to Seleukia, which they succeeded in doing, with the help of the people of Soloi. The Seleucid strategos, trying to escape across the Tauros to Ephesos, was beheaded by the natives. Ptolemy then arrived in Seleukia to a tumultuous welcome, but left soon for Antioch, where a similar greeting met him, and where he found Berenike. This passage has aroused much controversy, because ancient authors assert that Berenike was dead when Ptolemy arrived in Antioch; the present passage is rather enigmatic: Berenike may well have been dead, which would explain why she was not active in this welcoming scene; or perhaps the king was trying to conceal her death from his readers, in order to use her as a living weapon for political propaganda in Asia, which he in fact did. The restorations are in places conjectural and the translation not entirely certain.

- - - and asking him [to do] nothing in violation of the treaty or hostile, he said that the [benevolence] on our part and [that of our sister (?)] would be evident [to them for the future], and after this, [giving] his right hand [to them and] putting Epigenes in charge of the [citadel and handing] the city [over to him], at daybreak - - -

At the same time Pythagoras [and Aristokles, with five (?)] ships, when our sister sent orders to them, … and sailing along the coast to Cilician Soloi, they took up the money collected there and transported it to Seleukia, it being 1500 talents [of silver, which] Aribazos, the strategos in Cilicia was planning to send to Ephesos to Laodike, but since the Soleians and the soldiers there agreed with one another and with the strong assistance of Pythagoras and Aristokles  . . ., and since they were all brave men, it happened that the money was captured and the city and citadel came into our hands. But after Aribazos had escaped and was approaching the pass of the Tauros, some of the natives in the area cut off his head and brought it to Antioch.

[But] when we. . affairs on the [ships], at the beginning of the first watch, we embarked onto as many ships as the harbor in Seleukia would hold and sailed along the coast to the fort called Posideon and anchored about the eighth hour of the day. From there, early the next morning we weighed anchor and arrived at Seleukia. The priests and the magistrates and the other citizens and the commanders and the soldiers crowned themselves (with garlands) and met us on the [road] to the harbor, and [no extravagance of] good-will and [friendship toward us was lacking.]

[And when we arrived] in the city, [the private individuals asked us to sacrifice the] victims offered [on the altars] they had built [by their houses] and [the sacred heralds] announced the honors in the Emporion. This day [we spent in the city], but on the next... [and embarking on the ships ] all those who had [sailed with us and the] soldiers (corrected to: satraps) from there and the generals [and the other] commanders, as many as were not stationed in the city and the [citadel with the] garrison... Afterwards, [we arrived] at Antioch. [And there] we saw such a preparation (for our arrival) and so [great a mass of the populace] that we were astonished. For the satraps and other commanders and the soldiers and the priests and the colleges of magistrates and all the young men from the gymnasium and the rest of the crowd, crowned (with garlands), [came to meet] us outside the gate, and they led all the sacrificial victims to the road in front [of the gate], and some welcomed us with their hands while others [greeted us] with applause and applause - - - (15 lines lost or damaged).

In nothing were we so glad as [in their zeal]. And when we. . . all the offered victims... and since the sun was already setting, we went at once to our sister and afterward dealt with business, giving audience to the commanders and soldiers and other persons in the country and taking counsel about the entire matter. In addition, for some days . . .


For discussion see M. Holleaux, Études d’épigraphie et d’histoire grecques  III 281-310, with bibliographical additions by L. Robert; subsequent discussions add little. The best text is W.Chr. 1, but a number of the somewhat conjectural restorations of Holleaux, especially in column III, have been translated in brackets as representing in all probability the correct sense. Numerous problems exist in the text but cannot be discussed here; some have been decided without explanation, others avoided as too uncertain.

Aribazos:  Representing the "legitimate" Seleucid government and Laodike.

Posideon: A harbor at the mouth of the Orontes river.

On the phenomenon of private altars and offerings in conjunction with civic cults (as in  16) see the remarks of L. Robert in Essays Welles (New Haven 1966) 175-211.


OGIS 228                                                                                                              242 (?)

This and  29 emanate from the time of the Third Syrian War (246-241) and provide an insight into the situation of Seleucus II in Asia Minor, and especially into the attitude of the city of Smyrna and its actions on his behalf. In gratitude for its strenuous support Seleucus wrote to "the kings and the dynasts and the cities and the leagues" (29), asking them to confirm as sacred and inviolable Smyrna and its sanctuary of Aphrodite Stratonikis. The present inscription (found at Delphi) contains the favorable response accorded the request by the Delphians.

Gods. [Resolved by the] city of the Delphians: Whereas King Seleucus, son of King [Antioch]us, having sent a letter to the city, requests that the temple of Aphrodite Stratonikis and the city of the Smyrnaeans be sacred and inviolable (and whereas) he himself, having obeyed the oracle of the god" and having done what he requests of the city, has granted to the Smyrnaeans that their city and land should be free and not subject to tribute, and guarantees to them their existing land and promises to return their fatherland;" and (whereas) the Smyrnaeans, having sent as ambassadors Hermodoros and Demetrios, ask that the things granted to them be inscribed in the temple, as the king requests, be it resolved by the city of the Delphians, that the temple of Aphrodite Stratonikis and the city of the Smyrnaeans is to be sacred and inviolable, just as the king has sent (to ask) [and] the city of the Smyrnaeans requests. And it has been enjoined upon the theoroi announcing the Pythia" to praise King Seleucus for these things and for his piety and for his having acted in accordance with the oracle of the god, and to sacrifice to Aphrodite. (Resolved also) for the city to have this decree inscribed in the sanctuary of the god, and the letter on the wall of the magistrates' building.


Oracle of the god: It was in response to an oracle of Apollo that a temple was dedicated to Aphrodite Stratonikis: cf. Tacitus, Annals 3.63.

Fatherland: The Smyrnaeans had apparently been driven from their city and forced to settle elsewhere. This is, curiously, not among the troubles they refer to in 29.

Pythia: During Seleucus' reign the Pythian games were held in 246, 242, 238, 234, 230, and 226 (he may have been dead by this time in 226, however). The ones mentioned here seem best taken as being those of 242 (cf. 29).


Staatsverträge 492 (OGIS 229)                                                          soon after 242 (?)

The opening phases of the Third Syrian War were marked by successes on the part of Ptolemy III (see 26). When Seleucus II crossed the Tauros mountains in 246 to meet the invader in Seleukis, trouble arose at Magnesia-by-Sipylos, where the soldiers (at least) revolted from Seleucus. This led immediately to war between Magnesia and Smyrna, which remained steadfast in its loyalty to the Seleucid cause and which for a time got much the worst of the fighting. A cessation of hostilities was arranged by the time Seleucus again crossed over into Seleukis (242?), and this was followed by a more permanent (and quite favorable for Smyrna and Seleucus) reconciliation by which Magnesia was effectively absorbed into Smyrna. The inscription contains three separate, but closely related in time and substance, elements. (A) is a decree of Smyrna dealing with the negotiations between the city and the soldiers at Magnesia. (B) is the text of the agreement negotiated between them, according to which those at Magnesia became citizens of Smyrna. (C) is the decree of Smyrna by which the city absorbed also the fortress at Old Magnesia and the forces there. As remarkable as the vigorous efforts of Smyrna on Seleucus' behalf is the authority he evidently gave the city to act independently in his interest.


Resolved by the demos, proposal of the strategoi. Whereas previously, at the time when King Seleucus crossed over into Seleukis, when many and great perils beset our city and territory, the demos maintained its good-will and friendship toward him, not terrified at the attack of the enemy nor caring about the destruction of its property, but reckoning everything to be secondary to standing by its policy and to supporting his state to the best of its ability, as has been its way from the beginning; wherefore King Seleucus too, being disposed piously toward the gods and lovingly toward his parents, being magnanimous and knowing how to return gratitude to those who benefit him, honored our city, both on account of the good-will of the demos and the zeal which it evinced for his state and on account of the fact that his father the god Antiochus and the mother of his father the goddess Stratonike are established among us and honored with substantial honors by the people in common and by each of the citizens individually, and he confirmed for the demos its autonomy and democracy, and he wrote to the kings and the dynasts and the cities and the leagues, asking that the temple of Aphrodite Stratonikis be (recognized as) inviolable and our city (as) sacred and inviolable. And now, when the king had crossed over into Seleukis, the strategoi, anxious for affairs to remain in a state beneficial to the king, sent to the katoikoi in Magnesia and to the cavalry and infantry in open camp and dispatched from among themselves Dionysios to call upon them to maintain forever the friendship and the alliance with King Seleucus, promising that, if they preserved his state and had the same enemy and friend, they would have from the demos and from King Seleucus all kindness and noble things and that gratitude worthy of their policy would be returned to them. Those in Magnesia, being called upon and being themselves eager to maintain the friendship and the alliance with the king and to preserve his state for him, zealously accepted what was asked by the strategoi and promised to hold the same policy toward our demos in all matters of benefit to King Seleucus, and they have dispatched to us envoys, from the katoikoi Potamon and [Hi]erokles, from those in open camp Damon and Apolloniketes, to speak with us and to convey the agreement by which they ask that the (treaty of) friendship be concluded with them; and the envoys, brought before the demos, have discoursed on all matters, in accordance with what was written in the agreement; with good fortune, be it resolved to conclude the (treaty) of friendship with those in Magnesia on all terms of benefit to King Seleucus, and to appoint three envoys (to go) with them, who shall convey the agreement that the demos may decide, and who shall speak about what is written in it and call upon them to accept and to carry out what is written in the agreement; and if those in Magnesia accept (it), let the envoys who shall have been appointed administer to them the oath written in the agreement; and when those in Magnesia have accepted these things and have sealed the agreement and sworn the oath and the envoys have returned, 'let all the rest of the things written in the agreement be carried out, and let this decree be inscribed according to the law; and let it be inscribed [on] stelae on which also the agreement shall be inscribed. And let the epimenioi of the boule invite the envoys who have come from Magnesia to be received as guests in the prytaneion. And let Kallinos the treasurer give to the envoys appointed (the) travel-allowance (specified) by [law] for as many days as the demos assigns. Five days were assigned; appointed as ambassadors were Phanodemos son of Mik[ion], Dionysios son of Dionytas, Parmeniskos son of Pytheas.


In the priesthood of Hegesias, the stephanephorate of Pythodoros, the month Lenaion; with good fortune: On the following terms the Smyrnaeans (on the one side) and (on the other) the katoikoi in Magnesia, both the cavalry and the infantry in the city, and [those] in open camp and the other inhabitants concluded the (treaty of) friendship, and the Smyrnaeans gave citizenship to the katoikoi in Magnesia, the cavalry and infantry in the city, and to those in open camp and to the (others who] live in the city, on the condition that those in Magnesia preserve with all zeal for all time for King Seleucus the alliance and good-will toward the affairs of King Seleucus, and that they return to King Seleucus as much as they have received from King Seleucus, after guarding (it) to the extent of their ability. They shall be citizens with the Smyrnaeans according to the laws of the city, without faction and reckoning the same as enemy and friend as the Smyrnaeans. Those in Magnesia shall swear to the Smyrnaeans and the Smyrnaeans to those in Magnesia, each of them the oath written below in the agreement. When the oaths have been carried out, let all the accusations that arose in the course of the war be done away with, and let it not be possible for either side to bring accusations about what happened during the war either through a court case or in any other way at all; otherwise, let every accusation brought be invalid. Citizenship in Smyrna, on equal terms and the same as for the other citizens, is to be given to the katoikoi in Magnesia, the cavalry and infantry in the city, and to those in open camp. Citizenship is likewise to be given to the others [who] live in Magnesia, as many as may be free and Greeks. Let those who are secretaries of the (military) divisions deliver to the demos the registers of the cavalry and infantry in Magnesia, both those in the city and those in open camp, and (let) the men appointed by the katoikoi in Magnesia (deliver to the demos) the list of the other inhabitants. When the secretaries provide the registers and the appointed men the list of the other inhabitants, let the exetastai have them swear on oath at the metroon over freshly sacrificed victims, [the] secretaries that they have from the best motive brought the list of the katoikoi really with them, cavalry and infantry, [both those] drawn up [in the city and those in] open camp; the men who bring the list of the [other inhabitants, that they have from the best motive brought the list of those who] live in Magnesia and who are really free and Greeks. Let [the] exetastai hand over the [lists] that have been brought to the record-keeper of the boule and the demos, and let him deposit (them) in the public archive. Let the exetastai assign all the names that have been brought to tribes by lot and enter them in the allotment-lists, I I I and let those entered in the allotment-lists share in everything in which the other citizens share. Let the enrolled citizens use the laws of the Smyrnaeans in contract and injury cases involving Smyrnaeans, even in Magnesia. And let them accept also in Magnesia the coin of the city as legal. And let those in Magnesia receive the magistrate whom the demos may send to have control of the keys and to be in charge of the protection of the city and to preserve the city for King Seleucus. And let the Smyrnaeans provide for lodging to those of the ones from Magnesia who are building houses as many beds as the demos may decide, for six months from the time the agreement is sealed; let the treasurer of the sacred revenues, with the strategoi, lease the houses and provide the expense from the revenues of the city. The katoikoi of Magnesia, both the cavalry and the infantry in the city, and those in open camp, and the others who are being enrolled in the state are to swear the following oath: “I swear by Zeus, Ge, Helios, Ares, Athena Areia and the Tauropolos, and the Sipylene Mother, and Apollo in Pandoi, and all the other gods and goddesses, and the fortune of King Seleucus: I shall abide by the agreements which I conclude with the Smyrnaeans for all time; and I shall preserve the alliance and good-will toward King Seleucus and the city of the Smyrnaeans; and I shall preserve what I have received from King Seleucus to the extent of my ability and shall return (it) to King Seleucus; and I shall transgress nothing of what is in the agreement, nor shall I change for the worse the things written in it, in any way or on any pretext whatsoever; and I shall be a citizen, with concord and without faction, according to the laws of the Smyrnaeans and the decrees of the demos, and I shall join in preserving the autonomy and the democracy, and the other things which have been granted to the Smyrnaeans by King Seleucus, with all zeal and at all times, and I shall not wrong any one of them, nor shall I allow another (to do so), to the extent of my ability; and if I perceive anyone plotting against the city, or the territories of the city, or seeking to subvert the democracy or the isonomia, I shall reveal (this) to the demos of the Smyrnaeans and shall go to its aid, contending with all zeal, and shall not desert it, to the extent of my ability. May it be well for me if I abide by this oath, but if I break it may there be ruin for myself and for the family sprung from me.” The Smyrnaeans are to swear to those from Magnesia the following oath: “I swear by Zeus, Ge, Helios, Ares, Athena Areia, and the Tauropolos, and the Sipylene Mother, and Aphrodite Stratonikis, and all the other gods and goddesses: I shall abide for all time by the treaty which we have concluded with the katoikoi [in] Magnesia, the cavalry and infantry in the city, and those in open camp and the others who are being enrolled in the state, transgressing nothing of what is in the agreement nor changing for the worse the things written in it, by no device and on no pretext whatsoever. And I shall bear good-will both toward King Seleucus and toward the katoikoi in Magnesia, those in the city and those in open camp, and (toward) the others who live [in] Magnesia, as many as are free and Greeks, and I shall make them all citizens, (them) and their descendants, on equal terms and the same as for the other citizens, and assigning them by lot to tribes I shall enter them in the one each may draw by lot, and I shall not wrong any one of them nor shall I allow another (to do so), to the extent of my ability. And if I perceive anyone plotting against them or their descendants or their property, I shall reveal this as quickly as I can, and shall lend support with zeal. And I shall give them the right to share in the magistracies and the other public affairs of the city in which also the other citizens share. May it be well for me if I abide by this oath, but if I do not may there be ruin for myself and the family sprung from me.” Let the Smyrnaeans and those from Magnesia appoint men, [each of them as many as] each may reckon to be sufficient, to administer the oath to the peoples of those in Smyrna and of those in Magnesia. [Let them administer the oath after announcing] on the previous day that those in the city are to be present for the completion of the oath specified in the agreement. Let those appointed from Magnesia administer [the oath written above] to the Smyrnaeans, and those from Smyrna to those in Magnesia. In Smyrna let [the treasurer Kal]linos provide the victims for the oath-swearing from what the demos may decree, in Magnesia the treasurers to whom the people may assign the task. And let the Smyrnaeans have the agreement inscribed on [white stone] stelae and set up in the sanctuary of Aphrodite Stratonikis and in Magnesia-on-the-Maeander in the sanctuary of Artemis [Leukophrye]ne, and (let) the katoikoi in Magnesia (have it inscribed and set up) in the agora by the altar of Dionysos and the statues of the kings, and in Pandoi in [the sanctuary of] Apollo, and in Gryneion in the sanctuary of Apollo. And let the record keeper of the boule and the demos have the copies of the agreement entered [in] the public archive. And let those whom the koinon of those in Magnesia may appoint seal the (copy of the) agreement which is to be given to the Smyrnaeans with their own seals and with the existing public seal, and let the strategoi and the exetastai of the Smyrnaeans seal the one to be given to Magnesia with the seal of the city and with their own. Let these matters be carried out by both peoples with good fortune.


Resolved by the demos, proposal of the strategoi: whereas the demos, taking forethought for all the things of benefit to King Seleucus, formerly continued to join in strengthening his kingdom and to preserve his state insofar as it could, and endured the loss and destruction of much of its property and withstood many dangers for the sake of preserving its friendship toward King Seleucus, and now, being eager to join in preserving for him and holding together his state as far as is possible, (the demos) has concluded a (treaty of) friendship with the katoikoi in Magnesia and the cavalry and infantry soldiers in open camp and the others who live in Magnesia, in order that they might maintain the alliance and good-will of King Seleucus; reckoning it to be necessary for the city to take over also the place Old Magnesia and to make a guardpost with it, in order that, with this taken over as well, all the important affairs might remain (solid) for King Seleucus, they (the demos) sent to those living in the place and called upon them to choose friendship toward King Seleucus and to hand over the keys to the magistrate sent by the demos and to accept the guard-force which will join with them in maintaining the place for King Seleucus, promising that, if they do these things, they will have from the city all the kindnesses and noble things; those living in the place chose with all zeal friendship for King Seleucus and accepted the requests made by the demos and handed over the keys to the magistrate sent by the demos and received into the place the guard-force from the city: with good fortune, be it resolved that they are to be citizens and to have all the same things the other citizens have, and that they are to have, free from the tithe, their allotments, the two which the god and savior Antiochus, granted them and about which Alexander has written; and if the territory, which the katoikoi who were previously in Magnesia hold, is joined to our city, they are to have the three allotments as a gift and are to keep their present freedom from taxes; and as many of them as are without allotments, (resolved) for a cavalryman's allotment to be given them from the (lands) located by the place; and Timon and the infantry under Timon, who have been assigned from the phalanx to the guard-force of the place, are to have citizenship and the same freedom from taxes [which] also the others have, and they are to be in the place; and Omanes, and the Persians under Omanes, and those sent from Smyrna to guard the place--Menekles and those under him--are to have citizenship and the other kindnesses which have been decreed also for the others from Magnesia, and the demos is to take thought as to how the drink and food allowances, and as many other things as used to be given to them from the royal treasury, may be given to them from the royal treasury. (Resolved) to have this decree inscribed on the stelae which will be set up in the sanctuaries by the demos and [by those] from Magnesia; and for it to be recorded in the public archives as well.


God Antiochus: Antiochus I Soter.

Goddess Stratonike: The daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, married first to Seleucus I and then to his son, Antiochus (I).

Established among us: I.e., have cults at Smyrna.

Sacred and inviolable: Cf. 28.

Katoikoi: The word applies to military settlers. Some of them were resident in Magnesia itself and some were evidently encamped nearby. It may be that a disagreement had arisen between the two groups; just below they are seen each to have sent their own envoys to Smyrna.

Allotment-lists: The lists from which jurors, etc. were selected by lot.

Isonomia: Literally, “equality before the law,” often a synonym for democracy.

Old Magnesia: A fortress near Magnesia.

God and savior Antiochus: Antiochus I; the designation is indicative of cultic honors.

Alexander: A minister, or governor, of Antiochus I, perhaps identical with the brother of Seleucus' wife Laodike who supported Antiochus Hierax against Seleucus in the War of the Brothers.

Three allotments: The original one plus the two granted by Antiochus I.

Cavalryman’s allotment: A special favor, as this would be larger than an infantryman's.


Staatsverträge 499 (Syll.3 1490)                                                                          ca. 234

During the 230's a number of Peloponnesian cities joined the Achaean League upon the abdication of their pro-Macedonian tyrants (cf. Polybius 2.44.4 f. for Megalopolis, Argos, Hermione, and Phlious). That the same thing happened at Orchomenos is made most likely by the present inscription (found near Orchomenos), which contains measures taken by the Achaeans to deal with certain difficulties existing at Orchomenos when it joined the league. Orchomenos subsequently joined the Aetolian League, fell under the control of Kleomenes of Sparta in 228 (Pol. 2.46) and then of Antigonus Doson (Pol. 2.54). In 199 it re-entered the Achaean League (Livy 32.5).

[ - ] transgresses [ - ] sends [ - ] if a magistrate [ - ] or a private citizen casts his vote that --- [let him owe as a fine] thirty talents sacred to Zeus [Amarios, and let it be open to anyone who so wishes] to bring a capital [charge] before the koinon [of the Achaeans. Let] the Orchomenians and the Achaeans [swear] the same [oath] as follows, in [Aigion the synhedroi (? or damiourgoi) of the Achaeans and the strat]egos and the hipparch and the nauarch, in [Orchomenos the magistrates of the Orchomenians]: “I swear by Zeus Amarios, Athena Amaria, Aphrodite, and [all the] gods (that) I shall in all respects abide by the stele and the agreement and the decree [passed by the koinon] of the Achaeans; and if anyone does not so abide, I shall prevent him to the best of my ability. To me if I keep this oath may good things befall, (to me) if I break it, the opposite.”

It shall not be permitted for anyone of those who obtain a lot or a house in Or[chomenos] after they (the Orchomenians) have become Achaeans to alienate it within a period of twenty years. If there existed from the time before the Orchomenians became Achaeans any charge against Nearchos or his sons, let all such charges be null and void; and no one shall [seek a judgment against (?)] Nearchos or his sons nor shall Nearchos or any of his sons (seek a judgment) on any charges existing before the Orchomenians became Achaeans; anyone who seeks such a judgment shall pay a fine of 1000 drachmas, and the judgment shall be invalid.

Concerning [the] golden (statue of) Victory from (the sanctuary of) Zeus Hoplismios, which the Methydrians deposited as security for the money which the Methydrians [who) moved to Orchomenos then divided up among themselves, and which some of them (subsequently) [brought back to Methydrion]: if they do not return the money to the Megalopolitans, even as [the] city of the Orchomenians has [granted], those who do not act justly are to be liable to prosecution.


Abide by the stele: The stele commemorating the admission of Orchomenos into the League. Cf. Polybius 2.41.12; also 23.18.1 for reference to another such stele.

Nearchos: In all likelihood Nearchos was a tyrant of Orchomenos who abdicated peacefully when Orchomenos joined the League. Cf. Polybius 2.41-44.

Liable to prosecution: “Methydrion was one of those towns which ceased to be independent when Megalopolis was founded and instead came to form part of the territory of Megalopolis. A short time, however, before Orchomenos joined the Achaean League, the Methydrians attempted to regain their former autonomy; when the venture was initially successful, they borrowed money required for the defense of the city, giving the golden statue of Victory as security. A short while later, when the Megalopolitans had regained Methydrion, the leaders of the revolt fled to Orchomenos, which was not yet an Achaean city [as was Megalopolis from ca. 235], and there divided up among themselves the borrowed money. When the Orchomenians themselves became Achaeans, they were bound to assist the Megalopolitans in regaining their own property.” (Dittenberger).