The following have been enrolled as citizens in accordance with the letters of the king and the decrees of the city: (There followed here a list of names; those that survive include one from Samothrace, 142 from Krannon, and more than sixty from Gyrton.)

Notes:

113. These were involved in the negotiations that resulted in the peace of Naupaktos in August, 217 (see Chr. Habicht in Ancient Macedonia [Thessaloniki 1970] 277-8).

114. The reference is to the fighting in Thessaly near the end of the Social War (summer, 217: cf. Polybius 5.99-100).

115. About September, 217. For the dating (year 5 and not year 2) and the year (217) see Habicht, op.cit., 273-9.

116. Philip's information on Rome is not altogether exact. Freed slaves did obtain citizenship but could not themselves hold magistracies (for the text here, cf. Habicht, op.cit. 273 n. 1), and seventy colonies is, by any method of reckoning, excessive.

117. Above all at Messene; cf. Polybius 7. 10 ff. At precisely this time Philip's negotiations with Hannibal were coming to a conclusion (cf. Livy 23.33-34, 38-39; Polybius 7.9 for the treaty itself).

118. About August, 215.

32. ALLIANCE BETWEEN ROME AND AETOLIA

Staatsverträge 536                                                                                         211

During the first Macedonian war the Romans concluded an alliance, almost certainly in 211, with the Aetolian League, the effect of which was to keep Philip of Macedon occupied while securing for the Romans a good deal of saleable booty (notably, the inhabitants of the captured cities). The agreement, and its execution, also gained for the Romans the ill-will and suspicion of a large part of Greece (cf. esp. Polybius 9.37-39; 10.25; 11.4-6). The fragmentary inscription containing part of the treaty was found at Thyrrheion in Akarnania; Livy 26.24 gives what purports to be a fuller version, along with an account of the preceding negotiations (cf. also Livy 25.33). The nature of the terms lost at the end of the inscription cannot be gathered from Livy but may be at issue in a hostile exchange between Flamininus and the Aetolian Phaineas at the end of the second Macedonian war (Polybius 18.38).

--[against] all these - - - let the magistrates of the Aetolians do, as may be wont to be done. If the Romans take by force any of these peoples, let it be permitted, as far as concerns the demos of the Romans, for the demos of the Aetolians to have these cities and lands; whatever (the) Romans take besides the city and land, let (the) Romans have. If Romans and Aetolians together take any of these cities, let it be permitted, as far as concerns the demos (of the Romans) for the Aetolians to have these cities and lands; whatever they take besides the city, let it belong to both together. If any of these cities go over to, or surrender to, the Romans or the Aetolians, [let it be permitted, as far as concerns the] demos of the Romans, for the Aetolians to take these people and the cities and the lands [into their] state - - - autonomous---from Rome - - - the peace---.

32A. ENSLAVEMENT DURING A NATIVE REVOLT

C.Ptol.Sklav. 9                                                                                                         197

This document is typical bureaucratic correspondence in form: a request to the dioiketes for registration of a slave, with a cover letter from the dioiketes to the agoranomoi ordering that the request be carried out. But the slave in question had been purchased from the government, which normally prohibited enslavement of Egyptians, and the registration is carried out under a royal prostagma concerning slaves acquired during the tarache, or revolt of Hurgonnaphor and Chaonnophris, under Ptolemies IV and IV. What this 18-year-old woman had done to merit enslavement during the revolt, we cannot know; probably she was part of the captured population of a rebellious town.

Athenodoros to the agoranomoi, greetings. A copy of the memorandum from Pyrrhos the praktor is appended for you. Register in the name of Thaubastis, therefore, the purchase of the slave in accordance with it. Farewell. Year 8, Hathyr 28.

To Athenodoros the dioiketes from Pyrrhos. Thaubastis daughter of Sokrates, Syrian, with her kyrios Apollonios from the unit of Anthemidas, Cretan, assistant of the elite chest-armored (soldiers), has registered, in accordance with the proclamation issued in year 8, Phaophi 2, concerning those who have Egyptian slaves from the disturbance in the countryside, Thasion, about 18 years old, who she says is an Egyptian, and Thaubastis has paid to the bank of Philippos, into the account of the king, on Xandikos 15 of year 8, 500 drachmas of bronze and the exchange charge of 52 dr. 4 obols, and the tax on the sale of slaves, 110 dr. 5 ob. of bronze. Please give orders for the sale to be registered to Thaubastis, who is about 30 years old, short, honey-colored, round-faced, with a scar on her right cheek, with her kyrios Apollonios son of Apollonios, about 40 years old, of medium height, honey-colored, balding on the forehead, with ears sticking out, a scar on the left side of his forehead, from the street of Arsinoe Euergetis.

Sale of Thasion, 18 years old, short, dark-skinned, round-faced, easily recognized by many scars. Year 18, Hathyr 26, Daisios 4.

Notes:

Praktor: The praktor xenikon, who had charge of selling slaves on behalf of the government

kyrios: The woman’s legal representative; perhaps her husband in this case.

500 drachmas: The editor thought this was a high price, but it is in bronze currency, which had depreciated against silver in several steps before and around 197. Compared to contemporary prices, in fact, it appears that this price was a great bargain. The government may have sold captives off cheaply.

33. LAMPSAKOS, MASSILIA AND ROME

Syll.³ 591                                                                                                             197/6

This is the surviving part of a decree of Lampsakos in honor of Hegesias. The embassy, which is described here and for the conduct of which Hegesias is being honored by his city, belongs to the winter of 197/6, probably to the first part of 196. The ten commissioners were with Flamininus at Corinth for the spring and early summer of 196 (see Polybius 18.44-47 and Livy 33.30-34), and they had left Rome by the time Hegesias arrived there. Very early in 196 Antiochus had tried and failed to gain control of Lampsakos and Smyrna by siege or diplomacy (Livy 33.38), and it was likely this activity (or the expectation of it) that prompted this Lampsakene embassy. Lampsakos and Smyrna (along with Alexandria Troas, also in northwestern Asia Minor) played an important role in Rome's dealings with Antiochus from 196 on: see especially Polybius 18.52 (196); Livy 35.15-17 (193); Polybius 21.13 and Diodorus 29.7 (190, with reference back).

[- - - in the decrees] inscribed above. [When the demos was looking for] and with all [zeal] calling upon those who would offer themselves, and when the demos passed a decree [to the effect that] there would be some honor from the [demos] for those who undertook the embassy on behalf of the city to the [Massilio]tes and the Romans, and that when the ambassadors returned the boule would formulate a proposal as to how they would be honored, and when [some] had withdrawn after being put forward, and others, even after being elected, had declared on oath (that they could not go) - all on account of the extent of the journey [and the expense], then Hegesias, after being put forward and after being elected and requested by the demos, instead of abjuring (the embassy), [thinking] nothing of the dangers associated with the journey, but reckoning his own affairs [of less importance] than what was of benefit to the city, [accepted] the position of ambassador; and, after leaving home and arriving [in] Greece and, along with his fellow-ambassadors, having met with the general of the Romans in command of the fleet, [Lucius], he explained to him at length that the demos, being the [kinsman]  and friend of the demos of the Romans, had sent [them] to him, and that he [and his] fellow-ambassadors requested and called upon him [to take thought] for our city, inasmuch as we are kinsmen of the [Romans], in order that he might bring about [what might seem to be] beneficial for the demos; for it was incumbent upon them [always] to support (?) what is of benefit to the city, both on account of [the] kinship [obtaining] between us and them - which (kinship) even [they themselves accepted], and because of the fact that the Massiliotes, [who are friends] and allies of the demos of the Romans, are our brothers;  and [whenever] they received [from him] fitting answers they sent [all these to the city], and on account of these the demos was of better heart; [for in] them he explicitly accepted the relationship [and] kinship obtaining between us and the Romans, [and he undertook that], if he made friendship or sworn agreement with anyone, he would include our city [in the agreement], and (that) he would maintain [the democracy] and the autonomy and the peace, [and (that) he would do whatever] could be of use, and (that), if anyone [attempted to cause us trouble], he would not permit (them) but would prevent (them). And (Hegesias), [along with his fellow) -ambassadors, meeting with the treasurer in charge of the fleet... [and having persuaded] him always to be responsible for some good, [received] from him [too] a letter to [our] demos [which (the demos), recognizing] it to be of benefit, entered in [the public archives]; and travelling then [to... and wishing to accomplish everything] concerning which he had decrees, after making [the] long and dangerous voyage to [Massi]lia and (there) [going before the Six Hundred], he (so) disposed them and acted [so as to obtain] ambassadors to join with him in the embassy [from Massilia] to Rome; and judging it to be useful, they asked for [and obtained from the] Six Hundred a beneficial letter on [our] behalf [to the] demos of the Tolostoagian Gauls. Travelling then [to Rome along with his] fellow-ambassadors and those sent along with them [from Massi)lia, and dealing with the Senate along with [them, he heard them (the Massiliotes) speak of] the good-will and the disposition which [they maintained toward] them (the Romans) and renew the existing [alliance with) them and explain to them [about us, that they (the Massiliotes)] were in fact brothers of our demos [and] held [the good-will] pursuant upon the kinship; and he (Hegesias) spoke [both about the other matters],  and about what the demos sought to bring about [for itself that it had sent] the embassy and, along with [his fellow-ambassadors] he called upon them [to have forethought for the safety] of their other friends and relations and to take thought on behalf of our city, on account of [the kinship and] the kindnesses obtaining between us and them [and the] commendation we had received from the Massiliotes, [asking that he] receive [an answer] beneficial to the demos; and (when) the ambassadors [besought] that we might be included [in the agreements] the Romans made with the [king, the senate] included us in the agreements with [the king], just as they themselves write, and concerning [all] the other [matters] the Senate [referred) them to the consul [of the Romans], Titus, and the ten [commissioners appointed to deal with the affairs of Greece]; and going to Corinth, with [... and] Apollodoros, he (Hegesias) met with the general [and the ten commissioners, and] having spoken to them on behalf of the demos and having [called upon (them) with all] zeal to take thought [on our behalf and to contribute] to the preservation of [our] city as [autonomous] and democratic; concerning which things he received both [a benevolent decree] and letters to the kings - - - ; [recognizing these] to be of benefit to it (the demos) he dispatched [them - - - ]. The demos, in accordance with what had previously been decreed ---.

Notes:

119. L. Quinctius Flamininus. He served under his brother Titus as legate in charge of the fleet from 198 to 194.

120. Lampsakos shared in the religious federation centered upon the temple of Athena Ilias at Ilion and was thus counted as “related” to Ilion; legend had it that the Romans were descended from the Trojans; thus the Lampsakenes were related to the Romans.

121. Both Lampsakos and Massilia were originally colonies of Phokaia; having the same mother-city they were brothers.

122. Le., quaestor.

123. Availing themselves of the chance to make use of the close ties of Massilia and Asia Minor (where the Tolostoagii lived), the envoys procured this letter of reference, probably with the aim of facilitating or improving Lampsakene trade with this Gallic tribe.

124. For the text here and on the Gauls in this inscription generally, see M. Holleaux, Etudes d’épigraphie et d’histoire grecques V, 141-155.

125. The reference is to the treaty of peace between Rome and Philip V, the main terms of which were drawn up by the senate before the dispatch of the ten senatorial commissioners to Greece in 196 (see Polybius 18.44 and cf. Livy 33.30). On the notion of being included in a treaty compare the parties “written on” (adscripti) to the Peace of Phoinike in 205 (Livy 29.12).

126. T. Quinctius Flamininus (consul 198), commander of the Roman forces in Greece from 198 to 194. He is called consul here (strategos hypatos), but was, strictly, proconsul at the time (cf. 34).

127. For the appointment of the ten see Polybius 18.42 and Livy 33.24.

128. Presumably the kings of Asia Minor, including Eumenes of Pergamon, Prusias of Bithynia and especially no doubt, Antiochus.

34. LETTER OF FLAMININUS TO CHYRETIAI

RDGE 33 (Syll.³ 593)                                                                              197-194

The Thessalian city of Chyretiai was taken by storm and plundered by the Aetolians in 199 (Livy 31.41.5). After the battle of Cynoscephalae and Philip's surrender in 197 it presumably passed to the Romans along with other places once subject to Philip. The date of the present letter, by which confiscated property was given over to the city, cannot be fixed with certainty. It certainly precedes Flamininus' departure from Greece in 194 and is likely subsequent to the promulgation of the terms of the Roman settlement in 196. It may belong to the summer of 196, when Flamininus dealt with Thessalian legations at Corinth (Polybius 18.47), or to the spring/summer of 194, when Flamininus visited Thessaly and put things in order (Livy 34.5 1), or to almost any time between the summer of 197 and 194. What is clear is that Flamininus is anxious to blunt criticism of Roman behavior in Greece (this was forthcoming above all from the Aetolians), to demonstrate Rome's concern for the preservation of private property (cf. the role of the wealthy in his Thessalian arrangements: Livy 34.51.6), and in general to secure the good-will of as much of Greece as possible with a view to what was seen as the threat posed by Antiochus III.

Titus Quinctius, strategos hypatos of the Romans, to the tagoi and the city of (the) Chyretians, greeting. Since even in other matters we have made altogether clear to everyone both our own policy toward you and that of the demos of the Romans, we wish also in what follows to demonstrate in every respect that we have taken a stand for what is honorable, in order that those who are not in the habit of acting from the best motives may not be able to rail against us in these matters either. As many of your possessions, in land and houses, as remain of those belonging to the public property of the Romans, we grant them all to your city, so that in these matters also you may know our nobility and that in no matter whatsoever have we wished to be greedy, setting the highest premium upon kindness and love of glory. As many as have not recovered what belongs to them, if they prove their case to you and are evidently speaking reasonably, as long as you base your action upon my written decisions, I judge it to be just that (their property) be restored to them. Farewell.

Notes:

129. The usual Greek term for consul. It must be being used in an extended sense here to include proconsul since the letter is certainly after 198, the year of Flamininus' consulship. From 197 to 194 Flamininus held a proconsular command in Greece. Cf. 33 and n. 126.

130. This seems a clear reference to the Aetolians, who were critical of the Roman settlement of Greece from the start (cf. esp. Polybius 18.45; the word used of the Aetolians there is the same as appears here (katalalein)).

35. STATUE OF FLAMININUS AT GYTHEION

Syll.³ 592                                                                                             195 (or later)

The operations of 195, when Flamininus (consul in 198, proconsul 197-194) was instrumental in liberating Gytheion from Nabis of Sparta (Livy 34.29), lie behind the inscription on a statue base found there.

The demos of the Gytheians (dedicated this statue of) Titus, (son) of Titus, consul of the Romans, its savior.

36. EUMENES II AND THE WAR AGAINST NABIS

Syll.³ 595                                                                                                   195 (or later)

These two dedications at Pergamon stem from the same operations as the foregoing (see Livy 34.29 for Eumenes' presence at Gytheion). The first is from an offering made by Eumenes, the second from the base of a statue set up in Eumenes' honor.

[King Eumenes] (made this) offering to Athena Nikephoros [from] the booty (arising out of] the campaign [which he conducted with the Romans] and (the] other allies against Nabis the Laconian, [him who had subjected the Argives] and [Messenians].

[The] soldiers [and sailors who] sailed [with] him [to] Greece in the war against Nabis [the Laconian] (dedicated this statue of) [King Eu]menes, for his valor.

37. M. VALERIUS MESSALLA WRITES TO THE TEANS

RDGE 34 (Syll.³ 601)                                                                                    193

About 205 the Teans had established a festival in honor of Dionysos and had in this connection successfully sought that numerous Greek cities recognize Teos as sacred and inviolable. The same request was communicated to the Romans in 194/3 through Antiochus' envoy Menippos. This letter is the Roman response. Note the end.

(From the) Romans. Marcus Valerius, son of Marcus, praetor, and the tribunes of the plebs and the Senate, to the boule and the demos of the Teans, greeting. Menippos, the ambassador sent to us by King Antiochus, chosen also by you as ambassador concerning your city, presented the decree and himself spoke with all zeal in accordance with it. We received the man kindly both on account of his previous reputation and on account of his innate good character, and we listened favorably to his requests. And that we continue always to value most highly piety towards the gods one might best reckon from the favor with which we have for these reasons met from the supernatural. We are convinced, moreover, that the special honor we show to the divine has become thoroughly clear to all from many other things as well. Wherefore, for these reasons and on account of our good-will towards you and on account of the esteemed ambassador, it is our decision that your city and land are to be sacred, as is even now the case, and inviolable and free from tribute at the hands of the demos of the Romans, and we shall try to increase both the honors to the god and our kindnesses to you, so long as you maintain your good-will towards us even after this. Farewell.

Notes:

131. M. Valerius M.f. Messalla, praetor 193.

132. Menippos and Hegesianax were the ambassadors sent by Antiochus to Rome in the winter of 194/3; see esp. Livy 34.57-59.

38. THE SCIPIOS WRITE TO HERAKLEIA-BY-LATMOS

RDGE 35 (Syll.³ 618)                                                                                            190

In the latter part of 190 L. Cornelius Scipio, consul for that year, led the Roman forces across the Hellespont into Asia Minor. His brother, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (consul 205 and 194) was serving as his legate (on the restoration of the names, see RDGE, p. 219). Around this time they were met by a large delegation from Herakleia-by-Latmos, which announced the decision of the city to entrust itself to the Romans (see #note 133#). This likely happened after the Romans entered Asia and before the Battle of Magnesia (Dec./Jan. 190/89), although the embassy could have been dispatched at any time after the Roman naval victory at Myonnesos (late summer 190). This letter contains the response of the Scipios.

[Lucius Cornelius Scipio], consul of the Romans, [and Publius Scipio, his brother], to the boule and demos of the Herakleotai, [greeting]. Your ambassadors, Dias, Dies, Diony[sios,...Iam[an]dros, [Eu]demos, Moschos, Aristides, Menes, met with us, [noble] men who both presented the decree and themselves spoke, with no lack of love of honor, in accordance with what was set out in the decree. As it is, we are kindly disposed towards all the Greeks, and we shall try, now that you have come over into our [trust],` to show all possible concern, being always responsible for some good. We grant to you freedom, as we have also to [the] other cities that have surrendered absolutely to us, and (we grant to you), keeping all your possessions, to govern yourselves according to your own laws, and [in] other matters we shall try, treating you well, always to be responsible for some good. We accept your kindnesses and the [pledges] and shall ourselves try to be second to none in the requital of favors. We have dispatched to you Lucius Orbius to look after the [city and] the land, so that no one may cause you any trouble. Farewell.

Note:

133. The Herakleotai have performed a deditio in fidem to the Roman commander, as apparently have other Greek cities in the area. This involved total surrender of the city and all that was in it for the Romans to do with as they liked. The import of the gesture was not always understood by the Greeks: see Polybius 20.9-10 and cf. 36.4.

39. LETTER OF C. LIVIUS SALINATOR TO DELPHI

RDGE 38 (Syll.³ 611)                                                                                           189/8

In 189? the Delphians who had been freed from Aetolian control by M'. Acilius Glabrio (consul 191) after his victorious campaign in Greece in 191, sent three envoys to Rome in order to obtain senatorial confirmation of Delphi's autonomy (cf. RDGE 37 and p. 226). As we learn from the present inscription, these envoys never returned home. A second embassy was sent, probably late in 189, and it was their visit to Rome that elicited this letter from the consul of 188, C. Livius Salinator.

[Gaius Livius, son of Marcus],  consul [of the Romans, and] (the) tribunes of the plebs and [the] Senate, to the magistrates and city of the Delphians, [greeting]. The ambassadors dispatched by you, Herys son of Eudoros and Damosthenes son of Archelas, presented the letter and themselves spoke in accordance with what was set down in the letter with all zeal and with no lack of love of honor, and they reported also that you celebrated the gymnastic contest and the sacrifice on our behalf. And the Senate gave consideration, and they resolved, concerning the previous ambassadors, Boulon, Thrasykles, and Orestas, who came to us but perished on the return journey home, to write to our general, Marcus Fulvius, in order that he might see to it that, when we have the business at Same under control, he search out the wrongdoers, and might see to it that they meet with fitting punishment and that all the belongings of the ambassadors are restored with their relatives. It was resolved also to write to the Aetolians about the wrongs that have occurred among you, in order that they might now seek out and restore to you everything that has been taken away, and that nothing (of the kind) may occur in the future. And concerning those dwelling in Delphi, the Senate has allowed you to have power to banish those whom you wish and to allow to dwell among you those who are acceptable to the koinon of the Delphians. We have given to these (ambassadors), as they requested of us, the responses that were given to the ambassadors who came from you before, and for the future we shall try always to be responsible for some good to the Delphians, on account of the god and on account of you and on account of the fact that it is our ancestral custom to be pious towards the gods and to honor those who are responsible for all good things.

Notes:

134. The reference in the letter to the siege of Same, which began in October, 189 and lasted for four months (cf. M. Holleaux, Etudes V, 249-86), means that only the consuls of 189 or 188 can be at issue here. As neither of the consuls of 189 was in Rome at the time, and as the name of the other consul of 188 (M. Valerius M.f. Messalla) is too long for the gap on the stone, the name of C. Livius M.f. Salinator must be restored here. The consuls of 188 entered office on the Ides of March, A.U.C. 566, which fell on 21 November 189 B.C. (Phoenix 27 [1973] 348). The letter was thus written between that date and the arrival at Rome of the news of the fall of Same (late January/early February, 188).

135. M. Fulvius M. f. Nobilior, consul 189.

136. A large number of Aetolian citizens (mostly from nearby Locris, as well as from Aetolia itself) had come to own houses and property in Delphian territory (cf. RDGE 37). After their liberation from the control of the Aetolian League, the Delphians wished them to leave and succeeded in obtaining Rome's support in evicting them.