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Nelson Mandela
No Easy Walk to Freedom |
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Presidential address by Mandela to the ANC [African National Congress (Transvaal) Conference, September 21, 1953. Elected ANC (Transvaal) President earlier in the year, Mandela had been served with a banning order subsequently, and the address was therefore read on his behalf. Since 1912, and year after year thereafter, in their homes and local
areas, in provincial and national gatherings, on trains and buses, in
the factories and on the farms, in cities, villages, shantytowns, schools,
and prisons, the African people have discussed the shameful misdeeds of
those who rule the country. Year after year, they have raised their voices
in condemnation of the grinding poverty of the people, the low wages,
the acute shortage of land, the inhuman exploitation and the whole policy
of white domination. But instead of more freedom, repression began to
grow in volume and intensity, and it seemed that all their sacrifices
would end up in smoke and dust. Today the entire country knows that their
labors were not in vain, for a new spirit and new ideas have gripped our
people. Today the people speak the language of action: there is a mighty
awakening among the men and women of our country and the year 1952 stands
out as the year of this upsurge of national consciousness. In June 1952, the African National Congress and the South African Indian Congress, bearing in mind their responsibility as the representatives of the downtrodden and oppressed people of South Africa, took the plunge and launched the Campaign for the Defiance of the Unjust Laws. Starting off in Port Elizabeth in the early hours of June 26 and with only thirty-three defiers in action, and then in Johannesburg in the afternoon of the same day with ten defiers, it spread throughout the country like wildfire. Factory and office workers, doctors, lawyers, teachers, students, and the clergy: Africans, Coloreds, Indians, and Europeans, old and young, all rallied to the national call and defied the pass laws and the curfew and the railway apartheid regulations. By the end of the year, more than 8,500 people of all races had defied. The Campaign called for immediate and heavy sacrifices. Workers lost their jobs; chiefs and teachers were expelled from the service; doctors, lawyers and businessmen gave up their practices and businesses and elected to go to jail. Defiance was a step of great political significance. It released strong social forces which affected thousands of our countrymen. It was an effective way of getting the masses to function politically, a powerful method of voicing our indignation against the reactionary policies of the government. It was one of the best ways of exerting pressure on the government and extremely dangerous to the stability and security of the state. It inspired and aroused our people from a conquered and servile community of yes-men to a militant and uncompromising band of comrades-in-arms. The entire country was transformed into battle zones where the forces of liberation were locked in mortal conflict against those of reaction and evil. Our flag flew in every battlefield, and thousands of our countrymen rallied around it. We held the initiative, and the forces of freedom were advancing on all fronts. It was against this background and at the height of this Campaign that we held our last annual provincial Conference, in Pretoria, from October 10 to 12 last year. In a way, that Conference was a welcome reception for those who had returned from the battlefields and a farewell to those who were still going to action. The spirit of defiance and action dominated the entire conference. Today we meet under totally different conditions. By the end of July last year, the Campaign had reached a stage where it had to be suppressed by the government or it would impose its own policies on the country. The government launched its reactionary offensive and struck at us. Between July last year and August this year forty-seven leading members from both Congresses in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, and Kimberley were arrested, tried and convicted for launching the Defiance Campaign and given suspended sentences ranging from three months to two years on condition that they did not again participate in the Defiance of the Unjust Laws. In November last year, a proclamation was passed which prohibited meetings of more than ten Africans and made it an offense for any person to call upon an African to defy. Contravention of this proclamation carried a penalty of three years or a fine of three hundred pounds. In March this year the Government passed the so-called Public Safety Act which empowered it to declare a state of emergency and to create conditions which would permit of the most ruthless and pitiless methods of suppressing our movement. Almost simultaneously, the Criminal Laws Amendment Act was passed, which provided heavy penalties for those convicted of Defiance offenses. This act also made provision for the whipping of defiers including women. It was under this act that Mr. Arthur Matlala, who was the local leader of the Central Branch during the Defiance Campaign, was convicted and sentenced to twelve months with hard labor plus eight strokes by the Magistrate of Villa Nora.(1) The Government also made extensive use of the Suppression of Communism Act. You will remember that in May last year the Government ordered Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, J. B. Marks, David Bopape, and Johnson Ngwevela to resign from the Congresses and many other organizations, and they were also prohibited from attending political gatherings. In consequence of these bans, Moses Kotane, J. B. Marks, and David Bopape did not attend our last provincial Conference. In December last year, the Secretary General, Mr. W. M. Sisulu, and 1 were banned from attending gatherings and confined to Johannesburg for six months. Early this year, the President General, Chief Lutuli, whilst in the midst of a national tour which he was executing with remarkable energy and devotion, was prohibited for a period of twelve months from attending public gatherings and from visiting Durban, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and many other centers. A few days before the President General was banned, the President of the SAIC, Dr. G. M. Naicker, had been served with a similar notice. Many other active workers both from the African and Indian Congresses and from trade union organizations were also banned. The Congresses realized that these measures created a new situation which did not prevail when the Campaign was launched in June 1952. The tide of defiance was bound to recede, and we were forced to pause and to take stock of the new situation. We had to analyze the dangers that faced us, formulate plans to overcome them and evolve new plans of political struggle. A political movement must keep in touch with reality and the prevailing conditions. Long speeches, the shaking of fists, the banging of tables, and strongly worded resolutions out of touch with the objective conditions do not bring about mass action and can do a great deal of harm to the organization and the struggle we serve. We understood that the masses had to be prepared and made ready for new forms of political struggle. We had to recuperate our strength and muster our forces for another and more powerful offensive against the enemy. To have gone ahead blindly as if nothing had happened would have been suicidal and stupid. The conditions under which we meet today are, therefore, vastly different. The Defiance Campaign together with its thrills and adventures has receded. The old methods of bringing about mass action through public mass meetings, press statements, and leaflets calling upon the people to go to action have become extremely dangerous and difficult to use effectively. The authorities will not easily permit a meeting called under the auspices of the ANC, few newspapers will publish statements openly criticizing the policies of the Government, and there is hardly a single printing press which will agree to print leaflets calling upon workers to embark on industrial action for fear of prosecution under the Suppression of Communism Act and similar measures. These developments require the evolution of new forms of political struggle which will make it reasonable for us to strive for action on a higher level than the Defiance Campaign. The Government, alarmed at the indomitable upsurge of national consciousness, is doing everything in its power to crush our movement by removing the genuine representatives of the people from the organizations. According to a statement made by Swart (2) in Parliament on September 18, 1953, there are thirty-three trade union officials and eighty-nine other people who have been served with notices in terms of the Suppression of Communism Act. This does not include that formidable array of freedom fighters who have been named and blacklisted under the Suppression of Communism Act and those who have been banned under the Riotous Assemblies Act. Meanwhile the living conditions of the people, already extremely difficult, are steadily worsening and becoming unbearable. The purchasing power of the people is progressively declining, and the cost of living is rocketing. Bread is now dearer than it was two months ago. The cost of milk, meat, and vegetables is beyond the pockets of the average family, and many of our people cannot afford them. The people are too poor to have enough food to feed their families and children. They cannot afford sufficient clothing, housing, and medical care. They are denied the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, old age, and where allowances are paid they are far too low for survival. Because of lack of proper medical amenities our people are ravaged by such dreaded disease as tuberculosis, venereal disease, leprosy, pellagra, and infantile mortality is very high. The recent state budget made provisions for the increase of the cost-of-living allowances for Europeans and not a word was said about the poorest and most hard-hit section of the population-the African people. The insane policies of the Government which have brought about an explosive situation in the country have definitely scared away foreign capital from South Africa, and the financial crisis through which the country is now passing is forcing many industrial and business concerns to close down, to retrench their staffs, and unemployment is growing every day. The farm laborers are in a particularly dire plight. You will perhaps recall the investigations and exposures of the semislave conditions on the Bethal farms made in 1948 by the Reverend Michael Scott and a Guardian correspondent, by the Drum last year, and by the Advance in April this year. You will recall how human beings, wearing only sacks with holes for their heads and arms, never given enough food to eat, slept on cement floors on cold nights with only their sacks to cover their shivering bodies. You will remember how they were woken up as early as 4 a.m. and taken to work on the fields with the indunas sjamboking (3) those who tried to straighten their backs, who felt weak and dropped down because of hunger and sheer exhaustion. You will also recall the story of human beings toiling pathetically from the early hours of the morning till sunset, fed only on mealie meal (4) served on filthy sacks spread on the ground and eating with their dirty hands. People falling ill and never once being given medical attention. You will also recall the revolting story of a farmer who was convicted for tying a laborer by his feet from a tree and having him flogged to death, pouring boiling water into his mouth whenever he cried for water. These things which have long vanished from many parts of the world still flourish in South Africa to clay.(5) None will deny that they constitute a serious challenge to Congress and we are duty bound to find an effective remedy for these obnoxious practices. The Government has introduced in Parliament the Native Labor (Settlement of Disputes) Bill and the Bantu Education Bill. Speaking on the Labor Bill, the Minister of Labor, Ben Schoeman, openly stated that the aim of this wicked measure is to bleed African trade unions to death. Forbidding strikes and lockouts deprives Africans of the one weapon the workers have to improve their position. The aim of the measure is to destroy the present African trade unions which are controlled by the workers themselves and which fight for the improvement of their working conditions in return for a Central Native Labor Board controlled by the Government and which will be used to frustrate the legitimate aspirations of the African worker. The Minister of Native Affairs, Verwoerd, (6) has also been brutally clear in explaining the objects of the Bantu Education Bill. According to him the aim of this law is to teach our children that Africans are inferior to Europeans. African education is to be taken out of the hands of people who taught equality between black and white. When this Bill becomes law, it will not be the parents but the Department of Native Affairs which will decide whether an African child should receive higher or other education. It might well be that the children of those who criticize the Government and who fight its policies will almost certainly be taught how to drill rocks in the mines and how to plough potatoes on the farms of Bethal. High education might well be the privilege of those children whose families have a tradition of collaboration with the ruling settlers. The attitude of the Congress on these bills is very clear and unequivocal. Congress totally rejects both bills without reservation. The last provincial Conference strongly condemned the then proposed Labor Bill as a measure designed to rob the African workers of the universal right of free trade unionism and to undermine and destroy the existing African trade unions. Conference further called upon the African workers to boycott and defy the application of this sinister scheme which was calculated to further the exploitation of the African worker. To accept a measure of this nature even in a qualified manner would be a betrayal of the toiling masses. At a time when every genuine Congressite should fight unreservedly for the recognition of African trade unions and the realization of the principle that everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests, we declare our firm belief ”n the principles enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that everyone has the right to education; that education shall be directed to the full development of human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance, and friendship among the nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. That parents have the right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. The cumulative effect of all these measures is to prop up and perpetuate the artificial and decaying policy of the supremacy of the white men. The attitude of the Government to us is that: "Let's beat them down with guns and batons and trample them under our feet. We must be ready to drown the whole country in blood if only there is the slightest change of preserving white supremacy." But there is nothing inherently superior about the Herrenvolk idea of the supremacy of the whites. In China, India, Indonesia, and Korea, American, British, Dutch, and French imperialism, based on the concept of the supremacy of Europeans over Asians, has been completely and perfectly exploded. In Malaya and Indochina, British and French imperialisms are being shaken to their foundations by powerful and revolutionary national liberation movements. In Africa, there are approximately 190 million Africans as against four million Europeans. The entire continent is seething with discontent, and already there are powerful revolutionary eruptions in the Gold Coast (7), Nigeria, Tunisia, Kenya, the Rhodesias (8), and South Africa. The oppressed people and the oppressors are at loggerheads. The day of reckoning between the forces of freedom and those of reaction is not very far off. 1 have not the slightest doubt that when that day comes truth and justice will prevail. The intensification of repression and the extensive use of the bans are designed to immobilize every active worker and to check the national liberation movement. But gone forever are the days when harsh and wicked laws provided the oppressors with years of peace and quiet. The racial policies of the Government have pricked the conscience of all men of good will and have aroused their deepest indignation. The feelings of the oppressed people have never been more bitter. If the ruling circles seek to maintain their position by such inhuman methods then a clash between the forces of freedom and those of reaction is certain. The grave plight of the peoples compels them to resist to the death the stinking policies of the gangsters that rule our country. But in spite of all the difficulties outlined above, we have won important victories. The general political level of the people has been considerably raised and they are now more conscious of their strength. Action has become the language of the day. The ties between the working people and the Congress have been greatly strengthened. This is a development of the highest importance because in a country such as ours a political organization that does not receive the support of the workers is in fact paralyzed on the very ground on which it has chosen to wage battle. Leaders of trade union organizations are at the same time important officials of the provincial and local branches of the ANC. In the past we talked of the African, Indian, and Colored struggles. Though certain individuals raised the question of a united front of all the oppressed groups, the various non-European organizations stood miles apart from one another, and the efforts of those for coordination and unity were like a voice crying in the wilderness and it seemed that the day would never dawn when the oppressed people would stand and fight together, shoulder to shoulder against a common enemy. Today we talk of the struggle of the oppressed people which, though it is waged through their respective autonomous organizations, is gravitating towards one central command. Our immediate task is to consolidate these victories, to preserve our organizations and to muster our forces for the resumption of the offensive. To achieve this important task the National Executive of the ANC in consultation with the National Action Committee of the ANC and the SAIC [South African Indian Congress] formulated a plan of action popularly known as the "M" Plan, and the highest importance is attached to it by the National Executive. Instructions were given to all provinces to implement the "M" Plan without delay.(9) The underlying principle of this plan is the understanding that it is no longer possible to wage our struggle mainly by the old methods of public meetings and printed circulars. The aim is:
This plan is being implemented in many branches, not only in the Transvaal, but also in other provinces, and is producing excellent results. The Regional Conferences held in Sophiatown, Germiston, Kliptown, and Benoni on June 28, August 23 and 30, and on September 6, 1953, which were attended by large crowds, are a striking demonstration of the effectiveness of this plan, and the National Executive must be complimented for it. 1 appeal to all members of the Congress to redouble their efforts and play their part truly and well in its implementation. The hard and strenuous task of recruiting members and strengthening our organization through a house-to-house campaign in every locality must be done by you all. From now on the activity of Congressites must not be confined to speeches and resolutions. Their activities must find expression in wide-scale work among the masses, work which will enable them to make the greatest possible contact with the working people. You must protect and defend your trade unions. If you are not allowed to have your meetings publicly, then you must hold them over your machines in the factories, on the trains and buses as you travel home. You must have them in your villages and shantytowns. You must make every home, every shack, and every mud structure where our people live a branch of the trade union movement and you must never surrender. You must defend the right of African parents to decide the kind of education that shall be given to their children. Teach the children that Africans are not one iota inferior to Europeans. Establish your own community schools where the right kind of education will be given to our children. If it becomes dangerous or impossible to have these alternative schools, then again you must make every home, every shack, or rickety structure a center of learning for our children. Never surrender to the inhuman and barbaric theories of Verwoerd. The decision to defy the unjust laws enabled Congress to develop considerably wider contacts between itself and the masses, and the urge to join Congress grew day by day. But due to the fact that the local branches did not exercise proper control and supervision, the admission of the new members was not carried out satisfactorily. No careful examination was made of their past history and political characteristics. As a result of this, there were many shady characters ranging from political clowns, place-seekers, splitters, saboteurs, agents, provocateurs to informers and even policemen, who infiltrated into the ranks of Congress. One need only refer to the Johannesburg trial of Dr. Moroka and nineteen others, where a member of Congress who actually worked at the National Headquarters turned out to be a detective-sergeant on special duty. Remember the case of Leballo of Brakpan who wormed himself into that Branch by producing faked naming letters from the Liquidator De Villiers Louw, who had instructions to spy on us. There are many other similar instances that emerged during the Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, and Kimberley trials. Whilst some of these men were discovered, there are many who have not been found out. In Congress there are still many shady characters, political clowns, place-seekers, saboteurs, provocateurs, informers, and policemen who masquerade as progressive but who are in fact the bitterest enemies of our organization. Outside appearances are highly deceptive, and we cannot classify these men by looking at their faces or by listening to their sweet tongues or their vehement speeches demanding immediate action. The friends of the people are distinguishable by the ready and disciplined manner in which they rally behind their organizations and their readiness to sacrifice when the preservation of the organization has become a matter of life and death. Similarly, enemies and shady characters are detected by the extent to which they consistently attempt to wreck the organization by creating fratricidal strife, disseminating confusion, and undermining and even opposing important plans of action to vitalize the organization. These shady characters, by means of flattery, bribes, and corruption, win the support of the weak-willed and politically backward individuals, detach them from Congress, and use them in their own interests. The presence of such elements in Congress constitutes a serious threat to the struggle, for the capacity for political action of an organization which is ravaged by such disruptive and splitting elements is considerably undermined. Here in South Africa, as in many parts of the world, a revolution is maturing; it is the profound desire, the determination and the urge of the overwhelming majority of the country to destroy forever the shackles of oppression that condemn them to servitude and slavery. To overthrow oppression has been sanctioned by humanity and is the highest aspiration of every free man. If elements in our organization seek to impede the realization of this lofty purpose then these people have placed themselves outside the organization and must be put out of action before they do more harm. To do otherwise would be a crime and a serious neglect of duty. We must rid ourselves of such elements and give our organization the striking power of a real militant mass organization. Kotane, Marks, Bopape, Tloome, and 1 have been banned from attending gatherings and we cannot join and counsel with you on the serious problems that are facing our country. We have been banned because we champion the freedom of the oppressed people of our country and because we have consistently fought against the policy of racial discrimination in favor of a policy which accords fundamental human rights to ail, irrespective of race, color, sex, or language. We are exiled from our own people for we have uncompromisingly resisted the efforts of imperialist America and her satellites to drag the world into the rule of violence and brutal force, into the rule of the napalm, hydrogen, and the cobalt bombs where millions of people will be wiped out to satisfy the criminal and greedy appetites of the imperial powers. We have been gagged because we have emphatically and openly condemned the criminal attacks by the imperialists against the people of Malaya, Vietnam, Indonesia, Tunisia, and Tanganyika (10) and called upon our people to identify themselves unreservedly with the cause of world peace and to fight against the war policies of America and her satellites. We are being shadowed, hounded, and trailed because we fearlessly voiced our horror and indignation at the slaughter of the people of Korea and Kenya, because we expressed our solidarity with the cause of the Kenyan people. The massacre of the Kenyan people by Britain has aroused worldwide indignation and protest. Children are being burnt alive, women are raped, tortured, whipped, and boiling water poured on their breasts to force confessions from them that Jomo Kenyatta had administered the Mau Mau oath to them. Men are being castrated and shot dead. In the Kikuyu country there are some villages in which the population has been completely wiped out. We are prisoners in our own country because we dared to raise our voices against these horrible atrocities and because we expressed our solidarity with the cause of the Kenyan people. You can see that "there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountain tops of our desires." Dangers and difficulties have not deterred us in the past, they will not frighten us now. But we must be prepared for them like men who mean business, who do not waste energy in vain talk and idle action. The way of preparation for action lies in our rooting out all impurity and indiscipline from our organization and making it the bright arid shining instrument that will cleave its way to Africa's freedom."11
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