| OBITUARY: SIR ROBIN Day |
| OBITUARY: SIR ROBIN Day, who
died in London (in August) at the age of 76, was by common consent British
television's foremost political interviewer. He was the Grand Inquisitor,
a formidable national figure in a familiar bow tie, heavy spectacles and
a full shock of hair. His mastery of detail came with a sound grasp of the
whole; hence, his method of tackling the subject before him became a standard
for those who have followed him in television or radio. He believed it was
the democratic right of every citizen to know about matters, great and small,
in the public domain and that it was the duty of every politician, ministers
especially, to reveal and not conceal the truth. Sir Robin had studied law
at Oxford but decided early on that the bar was not for him. Television
was taking off as the new mass communications medium in the mid and late
1950s and it was then that he started off into largely uncharted seas as
an interviewer. The tried and tested legal profession was never short of
aspiring talent but television had yet to come of age. Sir Robin Day brought
to this medium the forensic gift of a high class barrister, moulding this
with others in an appropriate blend that made television presentation natural
and credible to the public. He interviewed the mightiest figures in the
land but was never in awe of their power or reputation. He was, therefore,
relentless in the pursuit of answers, returning time and again to elisions
and evasions and dissembling circumlocution with the persistence of a wasp
and with the wasp's ability to sting. Possessed of an abundance of wit and
humour, often with a twinkle in his eye, unfailingly courteous, as those
whom he had once harried were quick to acknowledge, leavening his audiences,
over a whole generation and more, with a healthier appreciation of democracy
and the democratic spirit, he educated them in the self-confident belief
that the politically empowered were at all times accountable to the people
who elected them. The Day legacy was recently in evidence. When Jeremy Paxman,
now the country's foremost interviewer, asked Henry Kissinger by what moral
right he had accepted the Nobel Peace Prize when it was his policy that
had resulted in Cambodia being bombed into the stone age, the former UN
national security adviser and, subsequently, secretary of state, walked
out of the studio in high dudgeon. The good doctor, humble in the presence
of Chairman Mao's "raw power", in the manner of Moses before the burning
bush, was outraged by this perceived loss of dignity, the insult that would
question his mummified probity and expose it to fresh air and possible disintegration
in full public view. This clearly comes from what the late US Senator J.
William Fulbright called the "arrogance of power" - American power, as it
happens, against which he warned his people with the ripe wisdom and learning
of the true legislator. Human diversity and the future well-being of humankind
require surely a multipolar and not a unipolar world. Yet, it is a unipolar
world that US leaders are now hell bent on constructing. In such a global
hothouse, monologue will prevail over dialogue; all men are equal, it will
be intoned, but some men, in practic e, will be more equal than others.
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