May 1999

Co-editors

Louise Bokkenheuser

Nevine Mabro

Staff Writers
Getting started — Amy Anderson
How to file — Lisa Song
Insurance — Erik Holm
First aid, body armor and get the right stuff — Georgina Gustin and Daniel Bernheim
Getting to Kosova/Albania — Patricia Smith
Moving about the region — Kirsten Sharett
Getting the story — Kim Dixon
Web sources — Andrea Li
Jounralists killed in the war — Cara Buckley
What to do if detained — Jennifer Abrahamson
Maps — Delphine Matthieussent

NOTE: This is an update of the Committee to Protect Journalists publication, Journalists Survival Guide: The Former Yugoslavia, first published in 1993. It was produced by students of Anne Nelson’s Elements of International Reporting Class at Columbia University’s Graduate School of Journalism.

Comments and corrections are welcome and may be sent to: Nelblack@aol.com

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FROM THE DIRECTOR

WHY PUBLISH A SURVIVAL GUIDE

A LETHAL STORY

BEFORE YOU GO

- Getting Started

Consult journalists, aid workers, government officials or other people who have recently returned from Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia and Serbia. In the back of this handbook, you will find phone and fax numbers in the region for a wide variety of organizations. Call or fax ahead for the latest in policies and conditions.

Take particular note of the chapter entitled "UN Press Credentials" because you might want to arrange for a UN press card in advance. - T

The Committee to Protect Journalists can help put you in touch with reporters and photographers, as well as international aid workers, UN offices or governments. We are constantly updating our collection of print and video materials relating to safety training in the former Yugoslavia and other war zones. We will make this material as widely available as possible.

Committee to Protect Journalists

330 Seventh Avenue
New York, New York 10001
Phone: 212 465-1004
Fax: 212 465-9568
e-mail: info@cpj.org
Web site: http://www.cpj.org

Set ground rules with your editors or producers. Get them to agree that you will be able to make tough calls at the scene. Many editors say that they're dismayed when reporters or photographers take unreasonable risks, and that much of the pressure to do so is created by journalists in the field because of intense competition and adrenaline.

To editors at home: Don't push. Just because someone else go a story or picture doesn't mean your reporter or photographer can get it right away without undue risk.

- Consider making arrangements for an armored vehicle if you plan to travel overland in combat areas.

See the section on "Getting to Kosovo/Albania" for information on renting armored vehicles in Albania. If you or your news organization might want to buy or lease an armored vehicle elsewhere, among the least expensive is an armored Land Rover. A new armored Land Rover Defender Station Wagon costs about 46,000pounds ($74,000). Many of these models have been purchased by the BBC, the New York Times and other media organizations for use in the area. They can also be leased on a long-term, contract basis (two years or more).

The supplier is SMC Engineering, which can also provide body armor for media clients.

SMC Engineering (Bristol) Ltd.

The StablesTanhouse
LaneRangeworthy,
Southgloucestershire BS3 77LP
England
Contact: Peter James
Phone: 44 1454 22 8999
Fax: 44 1454 22 8111
E-mail: smcbuk@dial.pipex.com

Other suppliers of armored vehicles in Europe include:

Schell Sicherheits-TechnikBergerwiesenstr.
9D-53340 Meckenheim Germany
Phone: 49 22 251 7011
Fax: 49 22 251-7017

International Armoring Corporation(Manufacturer's Representative for Griffin Armor Services)
507 S. Jefferson StreetSan Angelo, Texas 76901
Phone: 915 655-0911
Fax: 915 655-0911
E-mail: sales@griffinarmor.com
Web site: http://www.griffinarmor.com

- How to File

If you plan to file stories from the field, figure out how you and your news organization are going to do it. Some arrangements need to be made in advance.

A satellite telephone or telex is the most mobile and versatile way to file from anywhere in the world, but they are expensive. Arrangements can be made to file from the Balkans with Agence France Presse, the Associated Press, and Reuters.

Options include:

- Satellite telephones

A variety of satellite telephones are now available and range in cost, size and capabilities. Suitcase-sized satellite telephones cost between $18,000 to

$40,000 or more, weigh approximately 30 to 40 pounds, and can handle voice, fax, and modem communications. These high-speed units are recommended for transmission of photos and large amounts of written data, as well as video-conferencing, Internet web browsing, and internet image transfers.

Laptop-sized satellite telephones, while much lighter than their larger counterparts, transmit data at about one-third the speed. These small units cost between $2,500 to $3,000, weigh approximately 6 pounds, and can handle voice, fax, and modem communications. Brief case sized units are also available. These mid-sized units, which are slowly being phased out, cost between $3,000 to $4,000, weigh approximately 20 to 30 pounds, and are intermediate in transmission speed. Transmission costs range from basic rates of $4 to $11 per minute, depending on the type of data and the hour sent. Ask your service provider about large volume discount rates. Units either have built-in rechargeable batteries or require separately purchased battery packs.

You might be asked to spend another $300 or so for "commissioning" by your retailer. This involves setting up and calibrating your equipment to make sure it functions properly and meets national and international specifications. In the United States allow a week to get FCC approval and a COMSAT phone number.

If you plan to ship computers or telecommunications devices overseas, be sure to get a "carnet"– a type of visa for equipment–so that you don’t have to pay duty on it. Also be sure to check national regulations on the use of telecommunications equipment; you might have to make special arrangements with local authorities. COMSAT or retailers should be able to help you with these arrangements.

COMSAT is the U.S. owner, and the largest individual shareholder, in both the International Maritime Satellite (Inmarsat) and International Telecommunications Satellite (INTELSAT) systems. Inmarsat fully privatized on April 15, 1999, and INTELSAT is slated for privatization in 2001. National telecommunications agencies handle arrangements in other countries. COMSAT is now primarily a satellite service provider, but still sells some laptop-sized Planet 1 units.

Contact the following manufacturers and distributors in the U.S. for other equipment options:

Commercial Satellite Systems, Inc. (CSSI)

Fairport, NY
Phone: 716-425-0760
Fax: 716-425-0762

COMSAT Corporation
COMSTAT Mobile Communications Division
Bethesda, MD
Phone: 800-685-7898 or 301-214-3100
Fax: 301-214-7106

Frontronics, Inc.
Houston, TX
Phone: 713-644-6445
Fax: 713-644-2134

Furuno U.S.A., Inc.
San Francisco, CA
Phone: 415-873-9393
Fax: 415-872-3403

GA International
Cranford, NJ
Phone: 908-276-9400
Fax: 908-276-3822

Glocom
Germantown, MD
Phone: 301-916-2100
Fax: 301-916-9438

Hughes Technical Services
Torrance, CA
Phone: 310-517-6000
Fax: 310-517-6110

Land Sea Systems, Inc.
Virginia Beach, VA
Phone: 757-468-0448
Fax: 757-468-0625

Mackay Communications, Inc.
Edison, NJ
Phone: 908-225-0909
Fax: 908-225-2848
Mobile Telesystems, Inc. (MTI)
Gaithersburg, MD
Phone: 301-590-8500
Fax: 301-590-8558

Raytheon Maritime Company
Hudson, NH
Phone: 603-881-5200
Fax: 603-881-4756

Sea, Inc.
Mountlake Terrace, WA
Phone: 425-771-2182
Fax: 425-771-2650

Simrad Inc.
Lynnwood, WA
Phone: 800-426-5565
Fax: 206-771-7211

Sperry Marine, Inc.
Charlottesville, VA
Phone: 804-974-2227
Fax: 804-974-2259

Trimble Navigation, LTD.
Sunnyvale, CA
Phone: 408-481-2269
Fax: 408-481-2020

- Satellite Index

Satellite telex units are a lower-cost alternative especially suited to print correspondents. They cost $4,000 to $10,000, are easily cabled to laptop PC’s weigh about 13 pounds, and are about the size of a shoebox with a fold-out antenna. They usually come with e-mail-type software and work much like e-mail.

Messages can be sent by modem and satellite to other computers or to telex and fax machines. They can receive messages, as well.

The basic transmission cost for satellite telexes from the region is about $6 to
$7 per minute, depending on the type of equipment receiving the data. (That is,
it is cheaper to send data to a stationary destination than to a mobile one.)
Internet to telex transmissions cost about $0.35 per 256 bits or characters.
Satellite telexes must be FCC-approved in the U.S., but can be set up quickly
and self-commissioned. Contact COMSAT and other companies listed above for more information.

Lease satellite phones or telexes

While COMSAT, in emergency situations, will lease units purchased by the company to test their satellite service, they do not offer this option on a general basis. Consult the manufacturers and distributors listed above for leasing availability.

File with wire services

You can arrange in advance to use wire-service satellite facilities in the Balkans with Agence France Presse, the Associated Press, and Reuters. Consult the organizations for specific locations. For the use of their service, your organization will be billed directly at a rate of about $40 per minute.

AP provides service only for correspondents working for member new media. Your news organization should contact its local AP bureau on your behalf to make arrangements. The price is about $150 for the first three minutes.

Reuters asks that requests for use of satellite equipment be e-mailed to alex.frere@reuters.com. The request should be from the news editor or equivalent of the requesting organization and include the name of the correspondent who will be using the equipment, the numbers to be called, and a guarantee that the organization will pay the $40 per minute fee. For more information, call Mr. Frere in London at 011 44 171 542 6005.

AFP charges a similar fee and asks that journalists contact their commercial office in Paris about arranging for the use of satellite phones. Your new organization must agree to pay all expenses. The general number for AFP in

Paris is 011 33 14 041 4646.

Remember: When news is breaking, the wire service put their own needs first, and queues for use of their satellite phones can grow long.

Options once you arrive in the Balkans

See the section "First Stops to Make" for information on how to file after arriving in the former Yugoslavia.

3. Insurance

If you are a stringer or freelancer who isn’t covered by your company’s insurance plan, you’ll need an individual medical insurance plan. Even those plans designed for overseas travelers often do not include coverage for "any injury or illness received as an act of war, declared or undeclared." To complicate matters further, most hospitals overseas cannot directly bill a U.S. insurance company, so you have to pay at the time of service and submit receipts later for reimbursements.

New York State’s Empire Blue Cross/Blue Shield and other companies have bare-bones "Only Hospital" plans for self-employed individuals traveling overseas. Empire’s plan is called "Tradition Plus." The Tradition Plus plan will cover 80 percent of the cost of the hospital stay, but it does not cover the cost of the doctors, prescriptions, or any diagnostic tests that may be required. However, there are no deductibles and no upper limit for the room-and-board costs of the hospital stay, and it only costs $339 every three months.

Empire Blue Cross/Blue Shield also offers an HMO "Point of Service" plan for the self-employed, which is much more comprehensive in its overseas coverage. It costs $381 per month, and has a deductible of $1000 per year. For more information:

Empire Blue Cross/Blue Shield
PO Box 1407
Church Street Station
New York, New York 10008
1-800-261-5962
http://www.empirehealthcare.com

4. First Aid/Body Armor / Get the Right Stuff

- First Aid

- Try to make time before you go to any war zone for basic first-aid instruction. It’s available through the Red Cross, the YMCA, local hospitals, and other community groups. Instruction oriented towards traumatic injuries (like those handled by urban ambulance attendants) is better than garden-variety courses. A course that’s specific to battlefield conditions is best.

The BBC has several state-of-the-art short courses for its personnel in battlefield-response training and first aid conducted by the British Army, complete with simulated combat casualties.

The Freedom Forum conducted a three-day safety-for-journalists course in Albania last fall. For more information on the course or future courses contact:

The Freedom Forum European Centre
Stanhope House, Stanhope Place
London W2 2hh
Tel: 44 171 262 5003
Fax: 44 171 262 4631

For up-to-date information consult the organization’s web site:
www. freedomforum.org

- Get the best first-aid manual you can find, and review it, especially the sections on traumatic injury. The Red Cross offers "Standard First-Aid" for $9.60. In New York call 212 787-1000. The U.S. Army Special Forces Medical Handbook , a more detailed, combat-oriented manual, is available from Paladin Press for $22.95, plus $4 for shipping and handling.

Paladin Press
P.O. Box 1307
Boulder, Colorado 80306
303 443 - 7250

- Get a Medic-alert bracelet indicating blood type, allergies to medications, etc.

- Get a first-aid kit; you may want several. There are belt models you can wear around your waist and larger, more complete versions to leave in the car. Kits are available at drug stores and military supply stores. Every member of a crew should have one.

You’ll probably want to buy pre-assembled kits and supplement them, preferable in consultations with a doctor with military experience. Journalists in the filed suggest including:

Anesthetics–auto-inject and others. (One television company includes morphine.)

Multi-spectrum antibiotics.

Needles for injections or intravenous use in an emergency to avoid being

forced to use a needle that might be contaminated.

Women’s sanitary napkins for instant bandages–they’re absorbent and pre-wrapped.

One place with appropriate prepackaged first-aid kits is:

Richard Lewis
International Division
BCB, Limited
Cardiff, Wales
Phone: 44 222 464-463

Body Armor

You have to get armor. It’s uncomfortable, heavy, hot, and slows you down. But most journalists point out that once shots are fired, it’s too late to get out of the way. TK UN and Red Cross Requirements re. Equipment for flights into the region. You should take these with you, since they are not easy to find once you arrive.

Most journalists recommend getting flak jackets with armor plates and flaps for neck, sides and groin. In the United States, Army-Navy military supply stores carry this equipment or can order it. Level III protection is recommended. The cost is about $800.

The BBC has devoted considerable research into appropriate body armor for its personnel. Its choice should be seriously considered by other journalists.

BBC regulation flak jackets are provided by:

Lightweight Body Armor, Limited
2 Macadam Close
Drayton Fields
Daventry NN1 5BT
Northhamtonshire, U.K.
Phone: 44 327 311 020
Fax: 44 327 311 030

The BBC uses model BCJ (Ballistic Combat Jacket) for reporters, which includes a neck, collar and groin protector, and weighs six pounds. It defends the wearer against mortar, mine, and grenade fragments, and handgun fire up to .44 magnum.

Flak jackets, however, do not protects the wearer from sniper and rifle fire-a major concern in the Balkans. Therefore, it has become standard issue to add "hard-up armor" plates to the front and back pockets of the vest, each of which adds another 10 pounds to the weight (but gives you added protection). COST TK

The BBC issues a separate model to cameramen as a result of field experience in the Balkans. The PTJ (Police Tactical Jacket) provides higher arm coverage for people likely to be holding up a camera, making for greater body exposure. This model weighs 10 pounds and is also recommended to include front and back plates. COST TK

Journalists should make sure their jackets are treated to be water repellent (like those from Lightweight Body Armour). Kevlar (the material most jackets are made of, similar to that used for auto tires) loses its effectiveness when wet.
If you’re interested in the BBC-issued jackets, bear in mind that overseas shipments are complicated. If you can travel through Britain, arrange to pick one up there-the company can deliver them to you at the airport on a connecting flight with a minimum of red tape. A friend can also take them to you as hand-luggage. To box and ship jackets outside the U.K., the company must apply for an export license, which can take up to six weeks.

For journalists already on the continent, a supplier in Germany is Mehler Vario System, which can ship equipment quickly through Europe.

Mehler Vario System
Edezeller Str. 53
D-36043 Fulda
Germany
Fax: 49 661 103 658

Get the Right Stuff

Its best to go equipped with the following items, which can be time-consuming or impossible to obtain once you’re there. Expect primitive conditions in many places because of war damages. So consider taking:

-A sturdy, padded bag for use in the filed. Photographers should get one that can hold cables, cameras and miscellaneous gear. If you need to duck or run, you’ve got everything in one place.

-A short-wave radio, which is especially useful in remote regions to keep up on the latest news.

-Extra batteries, left in their plastic packaging so they don’t lose their charge, for all the equipment you bring. Extra film and tapes too.

-Long video leads for monitoring camera shots from a distance. Television crew members using viewfinders have found that the glow can attract sniper fire, especially in hotel windows at night. The BBC recommends bringing a small monitor with a long video lead for viewing shots away from windows or other places that might attract attention from snipers.

-Half-bottles of scotch and brandy, chocolate, and coffee for barter at checkpoint, etc. (One journalist recommends bringing pornographic magazines.) Preferred cigarettes are reported to be Marlboros or Rothmans. Children like candy and gum.

-Currency is small denominations. Deutschmarks seem to be the favorite, followed by U.S. dollars. (Bring more than once currency.) Try to change money before you get there, since only large denominations may be available in the region.

-A sleeping bag. Expect low temperatures in the winter, and minimal comforts. Carry a towel as well.

-Waterproof matches, long-life candles, flashlights (both head-mounted and hand-held), a water filter and water purification tablets. Blackouts are routine, anticipate power failures in many areas.

-A list with phone numbers of family members, employers, colleagues in the regions. Include UN and Red Cross field offices, and other organizations that can help in an emergency. (You can note your personal numbers on the last pages of this guidebook and keep it in your pocket.)

-Extremely durable, preferably waterproof shoes or boots, already broken in, with flexible soles and good traction.
-Pencils (rather than pens) and extra notebooks.

-Avoid bringing clothing or field equipment that looks like military-issue. You don’t want to be mistaken for a soldier.

Once You Get There

5. UN Press Credentials

TO BE UPDATED

6. Map Showing Areas of Military Control

Included separately

7. Getting There

Serbia-Montenegro:

At the time of press, the US State Department warns US citizens against travel to Serbia-Montenegro and strongly urges all US citizens to leave the country immediately. The US Embassy suspended all operations on March 23, 1999. There is currently no diplomatic presence in this area.

Albania:

At the time of press the US State Department warns against all travel to Albania. Staff at the American Embassy in Tirana, Albania has been greatly reduced for safety reasons. Americans who remain in Albania - or who plan to travel there- are advised to avoid crowds and demonstrations. Travel to Tropoja and Has in the north is considered extremely dangerous.

American citizens in Albania should register with the Embassy in Tirana.
Tel: 355-42-32875

The following airlines offer service to Rinas international Airport in Tirana (most require connections if travelling from the US):

Austrian Airlines, Lufthansa, Alitalia, Olympic Airways, Adria Airways, SwissAir, Arberia Airlines, Hemus, Balkan Airlines, Malev, Albanian Airlines, ADA Air

Visas: Citizens of the EU, Australia, the US, Canada and some other countries do not need a visa. Visas are available at the border.

Macedonia:

At the time of press, the US State Department urges all American citizens to consider their personal security situation. Those who remain in the area are advised to avoid large crowds, keep a low profile and stay alert. US Citizens are urged to register with the consular section of the US Embassy in Skopje.
Phone: 389-91-116-180.

US citizens need a passport and visa to enter the area. Other requirements for entry can be answered by the Embassy of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in Washington DC. Phone: 202-337-3063

There are no direct flights between the United States and Macedonia. More information can be obtained from the US Department of Transportation at 1-800-322-7873.

The following airlines provide service to Skopje, Macedonia:

Adria Airways, Aeroflot, Austrian Airlines, Aviompex, Balkan, Croatia Airlines, MAT (Macedonia Airlines), Malev-Hungarina Class Project

8. Moving Around the Region

Montenegro:

Blaine Harden, from the New York Times who just returned from Montenegro suggests:

Carry Cash - Deutsche Marks are preferred to US Dollar currency.

Hiring a driver is the best way to get around and this is relatively easy in Montenegro

The best option is to rent a car from Greece and drive in across the borders. Greece license plates are neutral and favored. They don't cause any trouble.

Most journalists there have a big international press sign on their car, but naturally be careful. Assess each situation. That sign can be dangerous in the wrong areas. According to this reporter, "In certain areas they shoot you for that."

Croat license plates are no good and if entering Montenegro from Croatia. You will also not be able to rent a car in Dubrovnik or Split.

Getting into Serbia is risky and changes every day. This reporter had his money and equipment stolen by the Serbian military at the checkpoints.

Under no circumstances whatsoever should you video or take pictures of the army. In Montenegro the army will take your equipment and possibly hurt you. And do not go near military sites unless escorted or with the proper permission.

Contact the central police. They are excellent sources for maneuvering around the areas.

UNHCR Liaison Offices:

NONE listed for Macedonia

In Albania:

UNHCR Liason Office

Rruggvaso Pasha 11/1

Tirana, Albania

In Serbia (may be closed)

58 Proleterskin

Brigadayu -11000

Belgrade, F.R. Yugoslavia

The following information is provided by the Freedom Forum's Safety-in-the-Field-Training-Program.

Most injuries occur from car accidents, not wearing seat belts and equipment not properly tied down, however, police stop people who wear seat belts because they assume they are foreigners.

Never be isolated. Always seek "accountability" from your representative embassy. Make sure someone will look for you and find out where you are if you get into trouble.

Do not go anywhere alone. Take a car with a dedicated driver.

Kosovo based journalists worry about landmines that are difficult to detect in the snow-covered mountains.

Watch your clothing, appearance and equipment. Journalists are not liked by anxious young soldiers.

Build relationships with UN and OSCE observers.

Interview with Andrew Kain, "Surviving Hostile Regions"

Andrew Kain runs a course for journalists embarking on dangerous reporting assignments called "Surviving Hostile Regions." The course is based out of Kain's office in Hereford, England. Kain has instructed journalists from the BBC, CNN, NBC, Time, Newsweek, Swedish TV 4, and Dutch TV, among other media outlets.

"We start from the basis that war at its very best is organized chaos, then it deteriorates in grades into absolute chaos," Kain said.

Over the course of five days, Kain emphasizes four important elements for journalists entering hostile regions: awareness, self-sufficiency, medical care, and preparation.

Kain stresses to journalists that the key to safety is to be aware of one's surroundings as situations develop and change. Part of the awareness that Kain teaches runs through some of the specifics of dangerous situations: what do when caught in a minefield, what behavior to expect from professional armies, how to judge the level of risk in talking to soldiers, what likely injuries are from shrapnel.

As much as possible, Kain said, it is important to find out "what you can predict in a very unpredictable scenario."

Kain also emphasizes that journalists be self-sufficient, without taking undue risks. He runs through the importance of maintaining physical fitness to maintain needed energy, suggesting that journalists eat lots of carbohydrates and drink water. Many journalists don't realize that illness and disease pose a greater threat than bullets and shrapnel, he said.

"We try and show that by being aware of what you take in, you can minimize your chances of illness and disease," said Kain.

Kain also teaches journalists navigational skills: map reading and how to get around without a map.

But journalists often overlook the dangers in everyday activities, like driving in a car, said Kain. "Everyone sees the biggest danger as being bullets and bombs where in reality it's probably a road traffic accident," said Kain.

Kain also warned that the upheaval in conflict zones often yields another factor journalists may overlook: banditry. Journalists could find themselves being robbed at gunpoint by hungry bandits roaming the countryside.

The third element Kain emphasizes is medical care, which comprises about 50 percent of the course. Kain stresses the importance of carrying a lightweight first aid kit including anti-infection packs, needles, syringes, splints, and dressings. (Contact Kain at address below for more information about journalist's first aid kit).

Kain emphasizes reducing risk of injury by being aware of one's changing surroundings, but should it occur, Kain said, "The primary objective is to be able to deal with a trauma within the first critical three minutes."

Kain also talks with journalists about how to prepare for working in hostile regions. He stresses the importance of having the right gear, adaptable for rapidly changing weather conditions. For Kosovo, he suggested Goretex boots and lots of clothing layers.

And again, planning involves adaptability in dangerous areas, said Kain, "Be very aware all the time of the situation and how it's developing. Make sure that everyone knows where they're going and when they're supposed to be back."

Kain said that if hostages are taken outside the Kosovo area, its probably banditry, and chances for survival are high. But within Kosovo, the risks are much greater, Kain said. "It would be particularly important that someone knew (the journalists) were there," said Kain. Then he suggested that hostages let their captors know that people, from news organizations, embassies, etc., know you were there.

Kain emphasized that journalists' lives could depend on their knowledge of danger zones and their ability to think fast. Said Kain, "It's probably one of the most serious situations they'll ever encounter in Kosovo at the moment."

For more information contact:

Andrew Kain
AKE Limited
Mortimer House
Holmer Road
Hereford HR4 9TA
UK
+ 44 1432 353 539

9. Getting the Story

Maintain objectivity. Ultimately the best defense is your editorial quality. "If one side can prove that you are working with the other, they you make yourself vulnerable," said Mark Brayne, BBC World Service regional editor, who attended the Freedom Forum’s Safety-in-the-Field Training program course.

Traveling in Groups/Planning: Always travel at the speed of the weakest in the group. Maintain the group’s integrity and at all times be honest with each other. Don’t pretend you’re feeling better than you are. And if you see a colleague struggling, deal with it. Name it.

Use human instincts to defuse a tense situation. Especially if he’s holding the gun, must deal with him in non-confrontational way, including open hands, smile, non-threatening gestures, look at the person in the eye. Never allow yourself to be separated from your group if possible.

If you’re taken hostage, some survival tips: pretend to faint when being taken. Remember that they want you alive. You’re no use to them dead. Maintain control of your mind. Dream of your favorite place, read a book in your mind.

Try to escape? Only if you decide if the situation has deteriorated so far. Eg. They intend to kill you, and the only alternative is trying to get away.

10. Web Sources

- International Organizations

United Nations
http://www.un.org

United Nations Center For human settlements-habitat
http:// www.undp.org/un/habitat

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)
http://www.unicef.org

United Nations Development program
http://undp.org:80

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR)
http:// www.unhchr.ch

United Nations universal declaration of human rights
http://www.undhr50.org

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
http://www.unhcr.ch

Office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs (OCHA)
http://www.reliefweb.int/ocha_ol/index.html

Reliefweb
http://wwwnotes.reliefweb.int

World Bank
http://www.worldbank.org

World Food Programme
http://www.wfp.org

World Health Organization
http://www.who.ch

- Intergovernmental Organizations

Council of Europe
http://www.coe.fr/index.asp

European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO)
http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/echo/en/index.html

European Consultation on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE)
http://www.poptel.org.uk/ein/ecre/index.html

International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission (IHFFC)
http://www.ihffc.org

International Organization for Migration
http://www.iom.ch

NATO
http://nato.int

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
http://www.osce.org

- Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs)

Amnesty International Online
http://www.amnesty.org

Amnesty International news releases
http://amnesty.org/news

Association for the Prevention of Torture (APT)
http://www.apt.ch

Committee to protect journalists
http://www.cpj.org

Conflict archive on the Internet project
http://cain.ulst.ac.uk

Freedom Forum
http://www.freedomforum.org

Freedom Forum media studies
http://www.mediastudies.org

Human Rights Watch
http://www.hrw.org

Index on Censorship
http://www.indexoncensorship.org

International Red Cross
http://www.icrc.ch

International Affairs Network
http://www.pitt.edu/-ian/ianres.html

International Federation of Journalists
http://www.ifj.org

Lawyers Committee for Human Rights
http://lchr.org

Medecins du monde
http://www.medecinsdumonde.org

Medecins Sans Frontieres
http://www.msf.ca

Save the Children
http://www.oneworld.org/scf/index.html

- Government

American Foreign Policy
http://www.afpc.org

Department of State Foreign Affairs Network
http://www.dosfan.lib.uic.edu

US state Department-human rights country report
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights

US missions around the world
http://www.itu.ch/missions/us

- Research Centers

Geneva Center for Security Policy, Switzerland
http://www.gcsp.ch

Institute for International Law of Peace and Armed Conflict, Germany
http://www.ruhr-uni-bochume.de/ifhu/indexl.htm

Institute for War & Peace Reporting
http://www.iwpr.net

International Relations and Security Network, Switzerland
http://www.isn.ethz.ch/index.htm

- News

Alertnet (Reuter Foundation)
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11. Journalists killed, detained or arrested during the Kosovo Crisis

Slavko Curuvija - Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of the Belgrade-based daily Dnevni Telegrafand the weekly Evropljanin. Killed by gunshot wound to the head en route to his home in central Belgrade

- Antun Masle, who works for the Croatian independent weekly Globus, disappeared on April 20 after crossing into Montenegro from neighboring Albania. In early April, Globus published Masle's article that speculated about whether NATO would work toward seceding Montenegro from Yugoslavia.

Dan, the pro-Milosevic Montenegrin daily, reprinted the article the day after Masle disappeared. The International Federation of Journalists believes he will be charged with espionage and tried before a military tribunal. If found guilty, he may face a 10-year prison sentence.

- Hans-Peter "Pit" Schnitzler, a German television correspondent for the SAT-1 network. On April 8, his car and equipment were taken at gunpoint by Serbian police officers after being summoned to the garage of the Intercontinental hotel in Belgrade. At the network's advice, he left the Yugoslav capital. It is believed he was detained somewhere along the Serbian-Croatian border on April 16. Serbian authorities report that he is in good condition, but will not provide explanations for his captivity.

- TF1 Television Crew was arrested by army troops on April 21. According

to the Montenegrin Information Ministry, Eric Vaillant and a colleague were detained after in Rozaje in eastern Montenegro for filming a village near the Kosovo border where the army had expelled inhabitants and reportedly killed six.

- Lucia Annunziata was detained by officials along the Yugoslav-Croatian border on April 15. The prominent Italian television journalist was searched, stripped, handcuffed, hit and taken to Belgrade for questioning before being expelled from Yugoslavia.

- Pavel Novak and Jan Cabalka were detained by the Yugoslav army in Montenegro in early April. The two journalists, a Czech radio reporter and photographer, were released after several hours of questioning at the Yugoslav Army barracks. Their confiscated equipment has not been returned.

- Four Slovak Reporters were detained and charged with espionage on March 27. They were released after 3 hours of detention.

- Twenty-nine foreign journalists were temporarily detained by in central Yugoslavia and Kosovo in the wake of NATO air strikes.

April 22, 1999 (unconfirmed)

10 people were reported dead following the NATO bombing of Belgrade's mainbroadcast building. Official Serbian news reports claim that"journalists" were killed in the bombing, however the actual number of people killed, as well as their names and occupations, have yet to be released.April 11, 1999

Other suggestions for defusing a tense confrontation:

Deal with individual in a non-confrontational way (especially if he is armed).

Open hands.

Smile.

Do not make threatening gestures.

Look the person in the eye. A lifeless look in the soldier's eye is a good sign that you are in a risky situation.

Never allow yourself to be isolated; stay in groups at all times and let the person know that you see him as a human being and not just the enemy

If female journalists are in company, allow them to handle the situation; women are better than men at defusing hostile confrontations.

Be sure to carry photographs of wife/husband and kids in your wallet in case of searches. This humanizes the journalist.

Share something, such as cigarettes, with the individual. - If you've witnessed violence, a member of the security forces could see you as a threat. You should:

1) Back away

2) Conceal camera

3) Pretend you haven't seen anything

- Hostile Confrontations

Serb security forces have systematically bullied foreign journalists since NATO began bombing Yugoslavia on March 24, 1999 after the government's failure to sign the Rambouillet peace agreement regarding Kosovo. More than 50 media personnel have been detained thus far. While President Slobodan

Milosevic expelled the U.S., British, French and German media from Yugoslavia soon after the bombing began, the journalists who remain face significant threats. Journalists located along the Serb borders with neighboring Macedonia, Albania and above all, Montenegro, Yugoslavia's smaller republic, also risk hostile confrontations with security forces. Although Montenegro's democratic government has broken with Milosevic, the Yugoslav army continues to operate in the republic. There is a chance that a civil war could ignite in the republic in upcoming months or years.

*November 1998 BBC/Freedom Forum Albania Safety-in-the-Field Training manual

13. Background on Conflict

(Suggestions: one of the following articles from The Economist or the BBC. Copyright needs to be secured)

The Economist April 3, 1999

  A bleak example of the proposition that history can become incurable.

At the heart of Kosovo’s agony is the fact that this little patch of the Balkans falls between two basic but contradictory principles. On the one hand, Kosovo has been internationally accepted as part of Serbia and Yugoslavia. This is sovereign territory, whose borders are in principle inviolable. But, say a clear majority of the people who live there, they do not want to be part of Serbia: the world is robbing them of their right to self-determination.

At least in theory, most of the Slavs who lived in the first two Yugoslav states–the original one created in 1918, and the communist one born in 1944–had freely opted to join "the land of the south Slavs". But not the Kosovo Albanians, who are not Slavs, do not speak a Slavic language, and are mostly Muslim by religion. Yet in 1918 Kosovo nevertheless became part of Yugoslavia by virtue (if that is the word) of the fact that, during the Balkan wars of 1912, Serbia had reconquered this territory which, for more than 500 years, had been part of the Ottoman empire.

Many people are puzzled that the Serbs claim this land is holy to them, "like Jerusalem for the Jews", when hardly any Serbs live there. The explanation is straightforward. During the Middle Ages, Kosovo was the heartland of the Serbian kingdoms, the vast majority of its people Serbs. But then Murad I won that famous battle in 1389, and over half a millennium of Ottoman rule changed the demography: Serbs moved out, and Albanians moved in.

Despite these migrations, Kosovo–home to countless Serbian churches and monasteries–retained a powerful grip on Serbian emotions. For the Serbs who stayed there, the return of the Serbian army in 1912 was a liberation. For Kosovo’s Albanians, it was a conquest, one that denied them the chance to join the emerging Albanian state.

Throughout the years between the two world wars, Kosovo was a sullen place. The Serbs put down Albanian rebellions, and sent in settlers to push up their share of the population. During the second world war, many of these Serbs were expelled when most of the province became part of an Italian-controlled Greater Albania. After the war, Kosovo had to be put under martial law, because no Albanian wanted the return of Yugoslav sovereignty.

Things began to change in the late 1960s, when Yugoslavia’s Marshal Tito started to allow the Albanianisation of the province. In 1974, as part of a constitutional reform, Kosovo became a republic in all but name. Although technically a province of Serbia, it had its own parliament and police, and largely ran itself.

While Tito was still alive, the seeming looseness of the Yugoslav polity did not matter: Tito had the authority, and the charisma, needed to hold Yugoslavia together. But after he died in 1980 the rumblings began again. Students in Kosovo called for the province to become a full republic, an equal to Serbia itself–and entitled to dream, at least, of total independence.

The student demonstrators were put down, and many jailed. On their release, many went to live among the growing Kosovar diaspora in Western Europe. There some of them started to talk of an uprising, and of independence. The Serbs in Kosovo were anyway already feeling the pressure on them mounting. Many left for Serbia, some for economic reasons, others because of fear. Slowly but surely, the Serbian Question had reappeared.

In 1987, a hitherto unknown and seemingly bland communist apparatchik, Slobodan Milosevic, came to real power in Belgrade on the back of the Kosovo Serbs. Just ten years ago, not long after he had become president of Serbia, he stripped the province of its autonomy.

Mr Milosevic’s action had spectacular consequences. His reimposition of direct rule over Kosovo hastened the death of the old Yugoslavia because most of the other republics–Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, Bosnia–feared that he would try to put them, too, under Belgrade’s control. In Kosovo itself, with the end of one-party rule across Yugoslavia, Albanian political life came to be dominated by the Democratic League of Kosovo, led by a writer called Ibrahim Rugova. His aim at first was merely the restoration of Kosovo’s autonomy. But, when the old Yugoslavia broke up in 1991, Mr Rugova declared the province "independent". So far as they could, Kosovo’s Albanians boycotted Serbian institutions: they set up their own schools and health care, and no longer voted.

The cautious Mr Rugova, however, stayed in Kosovo, and stayed pacific. He argued that it would be mad to attempt an uprising against the Serbs. In 1992 he said: "We would have no chance of successfully resisting the army. In fact, the Serbs only wait for a pretext to attack the Albanian population and wipe it out. We believe that it is better to do nothing and stay alive than be massacred." Prescient words.

Mr Rugova believed that, since there were so few Serbs in Kosovo (barely 10% of a population of 1.8m), and as that proportion was steadily falling, independence was bound to come in the end. So he argued for passive resistance, and rejected calls from Croatia and Bosnia to begin an uprising against the Serbs. Although some Kosovar politicians criticised him, most ordinary Kosovo Albanians went along with him cheerfully enough. But it did not last.

Dayton forgot them

Disaster struck in 1995. Kosovo’s Albanians were shocked when the Dayton conference, which ended the war in Bosnia, did not put Kosovo on the agenda. Worse followed when the countries of the European Union recognised the new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, comprising Serbia and Montenegro, with Kosovo as a part of Serbia. Anger grew: Mr Rugova’s policy, it was said, had failed.

At first, the problem for disillusioned Kosovars was that, even if they wanted to abandon Mr Rugova’s peaceful tactics, it was hard to bring any significant quantities of weapons into landlocked Kosovo. But that changed in 1997, when the Albanian state fell apart in the wake of a financial scandal involving the collapse of a series of fraudulent "pyramid" investment schemes. The Albanian army dissolved, the police ran away, and their armouries were thrown open. The Kosovars in Germany and elsewhere raised money to begin buying guns for the guerrillas of the fledgling Kosovo Liberation Army, the KLA, which had been founded in 1993.

At the end of February last year, Serbian policemen whose patrols had come under attack killed a number of people connected with the KLA, sometimes whole families. To their dismay, and to the surprise of the KLA, which at the time numbered barely a couple of hundred men, Kosovo exploded. The KLA found itself swept along by an uprising which it tried to control and to organise. Shocked, the Serbs at first fell back, misleading the KLA’s commanders into the belief that they were winning. They were not. Last summer, the Serbs hit back. Their counter-attack sent 250,000 civilians fleeing for their lives. The KLA, melting into the hills, suffered hardly any casualties.

When something had to be done

This is where the world came in. Fearing the refugees might die of cold, and worrying that the war in Kosovo might spread to neighboring Macedonia, NATO decided it must do something. The Serbs were told to end their offensive, or be bombed. In October Richard Holbrooke, the American architect of the Dayton deal, succeeded in getting Mr Milosevic to agree to reduce the number of his troops in Kosovo and to accept the presence of a "verification force" from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, a loose group of countries including the NATO members and also, among others, Russia.

Or so Mr Holbrooke thought. The Serbs pulled out of some areas, whereupon the KLA came back in. The supposed ceasefire grew even more ragged. The Serbs sent in reinforcements. Seeking to pick up the pieces, Chris Hill, the American ambassador in Macedonia, shuttled between Kosovo and Belgrade trying to work out a deal that would at least transfer the conflict from the bloody hills of Kosovo to the negotiating table.

The elements of the deal, wrangled over at Rambouillet outside Paris in February, were that Kosovo should remain formally part of Serbia but in fact run its own affairs. There were to be safeguards for the Serbian minority. But, to reassure the Kosovo Albanians, and indeed to make sure the deal worked, it was to be implemented by a NATO-led force of up to 30,000 soldiers. The final constitutional status of Kosovo would be discussed after three years.

The Kosovars, though nervous and disappointed by the absence of a clear promise of independence, were eventually persuaded to sign the agreement. Almost everyone, including many Serbs, believed that Mr Milosevic could be prevailed upon to sign it too. He did not: he refused to accept the proposed "implementation force". His soldiers and policemen continued their offensive in Kosovo. The NATO countries said they would start air attacks.Mr Milosevic stayed adamant, and the bombs began falling.

Edith Durham, an English traveller to Kosovo in 1908, wrote that life there had always been an "elemental struggle for existence and survival of the strongest, carried out in relentless obedience to Nature’s law, which says, ‘There is not place for you both. You must kill–or be killed.’ " This is Kosovo’s tragedy. Between Serb and Albanian, "compromise" has had no meaning.

c. The Economist

_________________________

BBC OVERVIEW OF CONFLICT

  September 1998 BBC journalists see first-hand evidence of a massacre of ethnic Albanian civilians, including women and children, in Kosovo.

October 1998

The UN Security Council condemns massacres of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Amid intense negotiating by US envoy Richard Holbrooke, NATO countries give the go-ahead for military action against Yugoslavia, if President Slobodan Milosevic does not comply with UN resolutions on Kosovo. US Balkans envoy Richard Holbrooke announces Yugoslavia's agreement to allow a 2,000-strong force into Kosovo to ensure it complies with UN demands.

November 1998

The first international monitors begin training before going into the field to verify October's Belgrade cease-fire agreement. NATO and the US accuse both the Belgrade government and the ethnic Albanian rebels of endangering the cease-fire.

December 1998

Serb forces, backed by about 100 tanks and artillery, launch an offensive near the northern town of Podujevo. The move comes after a Serbian policeman was shot dead in the town. Tensions mount with two separate protests, symbolizing the polarization between Serbs and ethnic Albanians. Violence continues, with the killing of a prominent Serbian official - a deputy mayor -days after six Serb youths are killed in an attack on a bar by masked gunmen, 36 ethnic Albanian fighters are killed in a border clash. President Clinton's special envoy, Richard Holbrooke, speaking after talks in Belgrade with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, says differences between Serbs and ethnic Albanians over the future of Kosovo remain very grave. His comments come shortly after UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan warns of the danger of all-out war in Kosovo in 1999.

January 1999

NATO gives its Secretary General Javier Solana the authority to order military action if the latest peace initiative for Kosovo fails. US, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia, give Yugoslav and ethnic Albanian leaders three weeks to finalize a settlement which would give Kosovo "substantial autonomy". Yugoslav authorities suspend the expulsion of international monitoring mission head William Walker in Kosovo, whom they had earlier ordered out in the wake of killings in the village of Racak. Following a massacre in the Kosovo village of Racak, NATO sends two senior officers to warn Belgrade it faces air strikes if it does not comply with the agreed cease-fire. Renewed fighting between ethnic Albanian separatists and Serbian security forces breaks out, and two peace monitors, one of them British, are shot and wounded during the clashes.

February 1999

The Yugoslav army moves 4,500 troops, more than 60 tanks and other military equipment to the Kosovo border amid stern warnings from NATO and the US. Thousands of ethnic Albanians flee their homes as a result of fighting, many crossing into Macedonia. The major powers welcome the progress made at the Kosovo peace talks in Paris, but both the Serbs and ethnic Albanians stress many obstacles still stand in the way of a definitive deal. The warring sides in Kosovo reach conditional agreement at the Rambouillet talks near Paris on substantial autonomy for the province. They agree to meet again on 15 March to discuss implementing the deal. US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright says the "stalemate" has been broken but full agreement has not been reached on either a political or a military deal. The deadline is extended by two more days for the two sides in the Kosovo peace talks to strike a deal. NATO policing remains the major sticking point. US President Bill Clinton has given a fresh warning to Serbia that NATO is ready to attack if it refuses to accept a peace agreement to end the conflict in Kosovo. President Boris Yeltsin says Russia has warned the US not to use force against Yugoslavia even if the Kosovo peace talks fail. Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic reiterates his insistence that NATO forces will not be allowed into Kosovo as part of a peace deal. US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright joins the Kosovo peace conference at Rambouillet chateau near Paris and gets the Serbian and ethnic Albanian delegations to talk face to face for the first time. The 40 ethnic Albanians killed by Serbian police in January are buried in the village of Racak. Thousands of people attend the hillside funeral. The Kosovo peace conference organized by the six-nation Contact Group begins at Rambouillet. For the first week, the Serbian and the ethnic Albanian delegations do not meet face to face, but stay on different floors, with the mediators shuttling between them.

The ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army names a team of negotiators to take part in the peace talks in France. The Serbian parliament agrees that Serb delegates should attend, but urges them to take a tough stance.

March 1999

NATO carries out its threat to bomb Serbia over Kosovo, attacking a sovereign European country for the first time in the alliance's history. NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana orders air strikes against Yugoslavia after the failure of diplomatic efforts to peacefully resolve the Kosovo crisis. US President Bill Clinton orders his special envoy Richard Holbrooke to leave Belgrade, after Slobodan Milosevic continues to refuse to accept an autonomy plan for Kosovo's Albanians secured by NATO troops. US envoy Richard Holbrooke flies to Belgrade to try to get Slobodan Milosevic to agree to a peace plan, but there is no immediate sign of progress. An offensive by Serb forces in Kosovo, meanwhile, continues. International monitors are ordered out of Kosovo as the peace talks break down following Serbia's continued refusal to sign up to the proposed peace deal. The Serb side is told the talks will not resume unless they agree to the deal. At a second round of talks on the future of Kosovo in Paris, the Kosovo Albanians agree to the peace deal on offer, while there is continuing defiance from Serbia. Violence in the province, meanwhile, continues. Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, speaking after talks in Belgrade with Slobodan Milosevic, says the Yugoslav president remains defiant about the proposed peace plan for Kosovo. Leaders of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army say they need more time to consider the terms of the proposed peace accord, and Belgrade sticks to its rejection of the deployment of any foreign troops. Meanwhile clashes continue near the border with the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia. A key figure in the Kosovo Liberation Army, Adem Demaci, who has opposed the international plan to end the conflict in the province, resigns as the KLA's political representative.

c. The BBC

__________________________

14. Important Phone numbers

IN AN EMERGENCY

Committee to Protect Journalists
New York
Tel 212 465 1004
Fax 212 465 9568
e-mail; cpj@igc.apc.org
Call collect if it's an emergency

INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISM ORGANIZATIONS
Balkan Independent Media Center for Journalists
Ljublana, Slovenia
Tel/Fax 38 661 132 7034
(Operated by the international Federation of Journalists and the International Federation of Publishers)

International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
Brussels
Tel 32 22 380 952
Fax 32 22 303 633

International Federation of Newspaper Publishers (FIEJ)
Paris
Tel 33 14 742 8500
Fax 33 14742 4948

Reporters Sans Frontiers
Paris
Tel 33 67 798 182
Fax 33 67 796 080

RELIEF ORGANIZATIONS

- Red Cross Field Offices
International Committee of the Red Cross (MAIN OFFICE)
Public Information Centre
19 avenue de la Paix
CH 1202 Genève
Fax: ++ 41 (22) 733 20 57 (Public Information Centre)
Phone: ++ 41 (22) 734 60 01

ICRC Delegation in ALBANIA
Muhamet Gjollesha No 43/3

TIRANA
Albania
E-mail: icrc@icc.al.eu.org

ICRC Delegation in BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA
Zmaja od Bosne 136
71000 SARAJEVO
Bosnia-Herzegovina
E-mail: icrcsar_bih@zamir-sa.ztn.apc.org

ICRC Delegation in CROATIA
ul. Florijana Andraseca 18
10000 ZAGREB
Croatia
E-mail : icrczaghr@zg.tel.hr

ICRC Delegation in HUNGARY
Margit Körut 31-33
1027 BUDAPEST
Hungary
(covers Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia)

ICRC Delegation in REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
Bulevar Crvene Armije 144
11000 BELGRADE
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
E-mail : icrcbel@eunet.yu

AND

Beogradska 39
38000 PRISTINA/Kosovo
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
E-mail : icrcpri@eunet.yu
Delegation closed for the time being

AND

Jovana Tomasevica 4
81000 PODGORICA/Montenegro
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

ICRC Delegation IN MACEDONIA
Kairska No 6
91000 Skopje
Republic of Macedonia
E-mail : icrcsko@mpt.com.mk or icrc@unet.com.mk

- World Health Organization
Regional Office for Europe (EURO)
8, Scherfigsvej
DK-2100 Copenhagen 0
Denmark
Phone: (45) 39.17.17.17
Fax: (45) 39.17.18.18
Telex: 15348 or 15390
Email: postmaster@who.dk
Website: www.who.dk

Office at the European Union (WEU)
Cité administrative de l'Etat
Esplanade Building, Office 715
Boulevard Pachéco 19, bte 5
B-1010 Brussels, Belgium
Phone:32 2 210.6404 or 210.6403
Fax: 322 210.6405
Email: weu@who.org

US Embassies

Macedonia
Ilindenska bb
91000 Shkup
Tel: + (91) 116 180

Albania — NEED TO UPDATE

HOTELS

Macedonia — NEED TO UPDATE
Hotel Bristol
Marshal Tito St
Tel: + (91) 114 883

Hotel Continental
Aleksandar Makedonski Blvd
Tel: + (91) 116 599

MAKING CALLS IN THE BALKANS

Country codes

355 Albania

389 Macedonia

381 Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo)

SAT* Satellite phones must always be dialed like an international call, no matter where you are calling from. For instance, in the United States, you would dial the international code 011 and then the number. Even if you call someone in Pristina from Pristina, you must include the international access code.