Volume 2, Chapter 6 -- History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese, between the years 1497 and 1505, from the original Portuguese of Hernan Lopez de Castaneda: *section index*

Volume 2, Chapter 6, Section 3 -- Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India in 1500; being the second made by the Portuguese to India, and in the course of which Brasil was discovered.

The certainty of a navigable communication with India, and the vast riches that were to be had in that country, being now ascertained, the king resolved to prosecute the discovery, on purpose to spread the gospel among the idolaters, and to augment his own revenues and the riches and prosperity of his subjects. For these purposes, he determined to attempt the settlement of a factory in Calicut by gentle means; hopeful that they might be persuaded to a friendly intercourse, and might afterwards listen to the word of God.

He therefore commanded that a fleet of ten ships and two caravels should be got ready against next year, to be well laden with all the commodities which De Gama had reported to have current sale in Calicut. There went others also to Sofala and Quiloa, where also he commanded factories to be established, both on account of the gold which was to be found there, and that the ships might have a place to touch and refresh at in their way to and from India. Over the fleet intended for Calicut, he appointed Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a gentleman of an honourable house, to be captain-general, Sancho de Toar being captain of his ship. The names of the other captains, so far as have come to my knowledge, were Nicholas Coello, Don Luis Continho, Simon de Myseranda, Simon Leyton, Bartholomew Diaz, who discovered the Cape of Good Hope, and his brother Diego Diaz, who had been purser to Vasco do Gama in the former voyage. Of the caravels, Pedro de Tayde[1] and Vasco de Silviera, were captains. Arias Correa was appointed supercargo of the whole fleet, and was ordered to remain as factor in Calicut, having Gonsalo Gil Barboso and Pedro Vas Caninon as his clerks. Two ships were to remain with the merchandize at Sofala, where Loriso Hurtado was to be factor. In the whole of this fleet there embarked 1500 men.[2]

The general was instructed, besides settling the factories, that if the Zamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient lading to the ships, he should make cruel war upon him for his injurious conduct to Vasco de Gama. If the Zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory and trade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow any of the Moors of Mecca to remain or to trade in Calicut, or any other harbour in his dominions, and to promise that the Portuguese should hereafter supply all such commodities as used to be brought by the Moors, of better quality and cheaper than theirs. That he should touch at Melinda, to land the ambassador who had been brought from thence by De Gama, together with a present for the king of that place. Along with this fleet, the king sent five friars of the order of St. Francis, of whom Fra Henrique was vicar, who was afterwards bishop Siebta, and who was to remain in the factory to preach the Catholic faith to the Malabars.[3]

The fleet being in full readiness, the king went in procession, on Sunday the 7th of March 1500, to hear mass at the monastery of Belem, accompanied by the captain-general, whom he took along with himself behind the curtain in the royal seat, to do him the more honour. After mass, Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseu, preached a sermon, in which he gave high praise to Cabral for undertaking the command of this expedition, as serving not only the king his temporal master, but the eternal GOD his spiritual Lord, drawing many comparisons in his favour from the Grecian and Roman histories. Mass being ended, a banner of the royal arms of Portugal was delivered to the bishop, who solemnly blessed it, and returned it to the king, who delivered it to Cabral, that it might be displayed at his main-top. The bishop then gave a bonnet to the general, which had been blessed by the pope, and placed a rich jewel with his own hands on his head, and gave him his blessing. When these ceremonies were ended, the king accompanied the captain-general to the water-side, where he and the other captains of the fleet took leave of the king, kissing his hands, the king giving them God's blessing and his own; after which all went on board, and the whole fleet saluted the king by discharging all the ordnance of all the ships. But the wind being foul, the fleet could not depart that day, and the king returned to Lisbon.

Next day, being the 9th of May 1500, having a fair wind, the fleet weighed by signal from the general, and set sail at eight in the morning.[4] "The whole fleete having wayed, did then begin to cut and spread their sayles with great pleasure and crie, saieng altogether, Buen viage, that is to say, a luckie and prosperous voyage. After all this, they beganne all to be joyfull, every man to use his severall office: The gunners in the midst of the ship, hailing the maine sheets with the capsteine; the mariners and ship boys, some in the forecastell haling bollings, braces, and martnets, others belying the sheets both great and small, and also serving in trimming the sayles, and others the nettings and foretop sayles, other some vering the trusses, and also beleying brases and toppe sayle sheets, and coyling every sort of ropes. It was wonderful to see such a number of diversities of offices in so small a roome, as is the bredth and length of a ship."

Going on their voyage with a quarter wind, they came in sight of the Canaries on the 14th of March, and passed St. Jago on the 22nd. On the 24th of the same month, the caravel commanded by Vasco de Tayde parted company, and was never seen afterwards.[5] After waiting two days for the missing ship, the fleet proceeded on its voyage, and on the 24th of April, came in sight of land. This was cause of much joy, as it was supposed to be a country which had not been discovered by De Gama, because it lay to the west[6] of their course. Cabral immediately sent off the master of his ship in a small boat to examine the country, who reported that it appeared pleasant and fertile, with extensive woods and many inhabitants. The fleet was brought to anchor, and the master sent again on shore to examine more narrowly into the state of the country and its inhabitants. His account was that the natives were well proportioned, and of a swarthy colour, armed with bows and arrows, and all naked. A storm arising at night, the fleet weighed anchor and stood along; the coast, till they found a good harbour, in which they all came to anchor, naming it Puerto Seguro, or the Safe Port, as it was quite secure in all weathers.

Our men took two of the natives in an almadia or canoe, who were brought to the admiral, but no one could understand their language. They had therefore apparel given them, and were set on shore much pleased. This encouraged the rest of the natives to mix with our people in a friendly manner; but finding nothing to detain him here, the general determined to take in a supply of water, not knowing when he might have another opportunity. Next day, being in Easter week, a solemn mass was said on shore under a pavilion, and a sermon was preached by Fra Henrique. During service, many of the natives gathered around, who seemed very merry, playing and leaping about, and sounding cornets, horns, and other instruments. After mass, the natives followed the general to his boat, singing and making merry. In the afternoon our men were allowed to go on shore, where they bartered cloth and paper with the natives for parrots and other beautiful birds, which are very numerous in that country, and with whose feathers the natives make very shewy hats and caps. Some of our men went into the country to see the towns or dwellings of the natives, and reported that the land was very fertile, and full of woods and waters, with plenty of fruits of various kinds, and much cotton.

As this was the country now so well known by the name of Brasil, I shall not say any more about it in this place, except that the fleet remained here for eight days; during which a great fish was thrown ashore by the sea, greater than any tonel, and as broad as two. It was of a round form, having eyes like those of a hog, and ears like an elephant, but no teeth; having two vents under its belly, and a tail three quarters of a yard broad, and as much in length. The skin was like that of a hog, and a finger in thickness. The general ordered a high stone cross to be erected at this place, and named his new discovery La tierra de Santa Cruz, or the Land of the Holy Cross. From hence he sent home a caravel, with letters to the king, giving an account of his voyage hitherto, and that he had left two exiles[7] in this place, to examine the country; and particularly to ascertain if it were a continent, as appeared from the length of coast he had passed. He sent likewise one of the natives, to shew what kind of people inhabited the land. Considering the great length of the voyage he had to perform, Cabral did not deem it proper to spend any more time in examining this new country, but departed from Puerto Seguro[8] on the 2nd of May, steering his course for the Cape of Good Hope, which was estimated to be 1200 leagues distant, and having a great and fearful gulf to cross, rendered dangerous by the great winds which prevail in these seas during most part of the year.

On the 12th of May a great comet appeared in the heavens, coming from the east, and was visible during ten days and nights, always increasing in splendour. On Saturday the 23d of May, there arose a great storm from the north-east, attended with a high sea and heavy rain, which forced the whole fleet to take in their sails. On its abatement they again spread their foresails; and falling calm towards night, the ships astern spread out all their sprit-sails to overtake the rest. On Sunday the 24th the wind again increased, and all the sails were furled. Between ten and eleven o'clock of that day a water-spout was seen in the north-west, and the wind lulled. This deceived the pilots as a sign of good weather, wherefore they still carried sail. But it was succeeded by a furious tempest, which came on so suddenly that they had not time to furl their sails, and four ships were sunk with all their men, one of which was commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. The other seven[9] were half filled with water, and had been all lost if a part of their sails had not given way to the tempest. Soon afterwards the storm veered to the south-west, but still continued so violent that they had to drive all that day and the next under bare poles, and the fleet much separated. On the third day the wind became more moderate, coming round to the east and north-east, attended by a heavy swell, and the waves run higher than had ever been seen before, yet the fleet joined again to their great joy. This wind and high sea continued for twenty days, during all which time the ships had to lie to, and were so tossed that no one thought it possible to escape being swallowed up. During day, the sea was black as pitch, and at night it appeared like fire. The general, with Simon de Myranda and Pedro de Tayde, bore up to windward during this long continued gale; while all the rest submitted to the wind and went at God's mercy.

When the storm abated, the general found that, with only two other ships in company, he had doubled the Cape of Good Hope without having seen it. On the 16th of July they fell close in with the coast of Africa, in lat. 27°S. but the pilots did not know the coast, and the general would not allow any one to go on shore. They could see great numbers of people on the land, yet none came down to the shore to view the ships. Having no hope of procuring provisions from the natives, the seamen caught great plenty of fish at this place; after which the general pursued his course close along shore, where he constantly saw many people, and great numbers of cattle feeding along the banks of a river which fell into the sea in that neighbourhood[10]. Proceeding in this manner, the general came to Sofala, with which the pilots were unacquainted, near which lay two islands,[11] close by one of which two vessels lay at anchor. These immediately made for the shore on seeing the Portuguese ships, and being pursued were taken without resistance. The principal person belonging to these vessels was a near relation[12] of the king of Melinda, and was going from Sofala to Melinda with gold. The people were so much afraid on seeing our ships, that they threw a great part of the gold into the sea, and most of them escaped on shore. The general was much concerned at his loss, especially that it should have fallen on the subject and relation of a prince who was in friendship with the king his master; and after shewing him every civility, restored the two vessels with all the remaining gold. The Moor asked Cabral if he had any witches on board, who could conjure up his gold from the bottom of the sea? Cabral answered, that the Christians believe in the true God, and do not practice or give credit to witchcraft.

Learning from this Moor that he had overshot Sofala, and not being inclined to turn back, the general continued his voyage to Mozambique; where he arrived on the 20th of July and took in a supply of water, and procured a pilot to carry him to the island of Quiloa, towards which he directed his course. In this part of the voyage he saw several fertile islands, belonging to the king of Quiloa, who is a powerful prince; his dominions extending from Cape Corientes almost to Mombaza, along nearly 400 leagues of coast, including the two islands near Sofala, that city itself, and several others to Mozambique, many more all the way to Mombaza, with a great number of islands; from all which he derives large revenues.[13] Yet he has few soldiers, and lives in no great state. His constant residence is in an island named Quiloa, near the continent of Ethiopia, an hundred leagues from Mozambique. This island is full of gardens and orchards, with plenty of various kinds of fruits, and excellent water, and the country produces abundance of miso[14] and other grain, and breeds great numbers of small cattle; and the sea affords great plenty of excellent fish. The city of Quiloa is in lat. 9°25' S. and long. 40°20' E., handsomely built of stone and lime, and pleasantly situated between fine gardens and the sea, having abundance of provisions from its own island and from other places on the continent. The king and the inhabitants of the city are Moors of a fair colour using the Arabic language, but the original natives of the country are Negroes. The Moors of Quiloa are richly dressed, especially the women, who wear many golden ornaments. They are great merchants, enjoying the principal trade in gold at Sofala, whence it is distributed over Arabia Felix, and other countries; and many merchants resort thither from other places. Hence there are always many ships in this port, which are all hauled up on the beach when not in use. These ships[15] have no nails, but are sewed together by rope made of cairo, and have their bottoms payed with wild frankincense, as the country produces no pitch. The winter here begins in April and ends in May.

On arriving at Quiloa, and receiving a safe-conduct for that purpose, the general sent Alonso Hurtado, attended by seven of the principal officers, to wait upon the king, signifying that Cabral had come here with the fleet of the king of Portugal to settle a trade in the city, and had great store of merchandize fit for that purpose; and to say that he was desirous to confer with his highness on this subject, but had been forbidden by the king his master to go on shore. The king agreed to give Cabral an audience afloat; and, on the following day Cabral waited for the king in his boat, which was covered over with flags, and attended by all the other captains in their boats; as now Sancho de Toar and other two ships had joined company again. The king came in an almadia, accompanied by many principal Moors in other boats, all decked with flags, and with many trumpets, cornets, and sackbuts, making a great noise. On the arrival of the king, the whole Portuguese ordnance was fired off, by which the king and his train were much alarmed, not having been accustomed to such a salute.

After mutual civilities, the letter from the king of Portugal was read, proposing the settlement of trade between the two nations, to which the king of Quiloa assented, and agreed that Alonso Hurtado should wait upon him next day with an account of the kinds of merchandize the Portuguese had to dispose of, for which he promised to give gold in exchange. But when Hurtado went next day on shore, the king made many excuses for not performing his promise, pretending to have no need of the commodities, and believing that the general came to conquer his country. The true reason was because he was a Moor and we were Christians, and he was unwilling to have any trade or intercourse with us. After this the general remained three or four days, to see if the king would change his mind; but he continued inflexible, and strengthened himself with armed men, as jealous [[=suspicious]] of being attacked.

Finding that nothing could be done here, the general went on his voyage, and arrived at Melinda on the 2d of August. At this port he found three ships at anchor belonging to Moorish merchants of Cambaya; but, though laden with great riches, he would not meddle with them, out of respect for the king of Melinda. On coming to anchor the general saluted the king with all his ordnance; on which the king sent a complimentary message of welcome, with a present of many sheep, hens, and ducks, and great quantities of fruits. The general sent a message in return, intimating that he had come here by orders of the king of Portugal, to know if his highness had any service which the fleet could perform for him, and to deliver a letter and a rich present from the king of Portugal, which he would send whenever his highness pleased to give his commands. The king was much pleased with this message, and detained the messenger all night, most part of which he spent in making inquiries respecting the kingdom of Portugal. As soon as it was day, the king sent two principal Moors to wait upon the general, declaring his joy at his arrival, and desiring, if he had need of any thing in the country, to command all there as his own.

The general then sent Aries Correa, the Factor-general of the fleet, on shore to deliver the letter and presents, accompanied by most of the principal officers, and having all the trumpeters of the fleet sounding before him. The present consisted of the rich caparison of a riding-horse, of the most splendid and shewy fashion. The king sent the nobles of his court to receive Correa in great state, and several women who had censers or perfuming pans which filled the air with a delightful odour. The king received Correa in his palace, which was very near the water side, sitting in his chair of state, and accompanied by many noblemen and gentlemen. The letter, which was written in Portuguese on one side and Arabic on the other, being read, and the present laid before the king, he and his nobles all in one voice gave thanks to God and Mahomet for granting them the friendship of so great a prince. During the three days which the fleet continued here, Correa remained on shore at the king's particular request, in which he constantly employed himself in inquiries concerning the customs of the king of Portugal and the conduct of his government.

The king of Melinda was very anxious to have Cabral to come on shore to the palace, but he excused himself as having been ordered by his master not to land at any port, with which the king was satisfied, yet desired to have an interview on the water. On this occasion, though the palace was very near the sea, he went on horseback to the shore, having his horse decorated with the rich caparisons sent him by the king of Portugal, which were obliged to be put on by one of our men as none of the natives knew their use. On coming to the shore, certain principal natives waited at the foot of the stair, having a live sheep, which they opened alive, taking out the bowels, and the king rode over the carcase of the sheep. This is a kind of ceremony that the witches there do use.[16] After this he went to the water-side, with all his train on foot, saying in a loud voice certain words of incantation. The interview with the general took place on the water in great ceremony, and the king gave him a pilot to carry the fleet to Calicut. Cabral left two banished men at Melinda to inform themselves of all the circumstances of the country to the best of their abilities. One of these, called Machado, when he had learned the Arabic language, went afterwards by land to the straits of the Red Sea, and from thence by Cambaya to Balagarte, and settled with the sabayo or lord of Goa, passing always for a Moor. This man was afterwards very serviceable to Albuquerque, as will be seen hereafter.

Leaving Melinda on the 7th of August, he came to Ansandina or Anche-diva, on the 20th of that month, where he waited some days for the fleet of Mecca, which he meant to have attacked. While there, the whole of the crews confessed and received the sacrament. No ships appearing, the fleet left Anchediva and sailed for Calicut, coming to anchor within a league of that place on the 13th of September. Several almadias came off immediately to sell victuals: And some of the principal Nayres, with a Guzurat merchant, brought a message from the Zamorin,[17] declaring his satisfaction at the arrival of the general at his city, in which every thing he might need was at his command. The general made a polite answer to the king, with thanks for his civility, and gave orders to bring the fleet nearer to the city, in doing which all the ordnance was fired as a salute, to the great astonishment of the natives, the idolaters among them saying that it was impossible to resist us. Next day one Gaspar[18] was sent on shore to the Zamorin, desiring to have a safe-conduct for a deputation from the general to wait on his highness; and along with Gaspar the four Malabars who had been carried away from Calicut by Don Vasco de la Gama were sent on shore.

These men were all finely dressed in Portuguese habits, and the whole inhabitants of the city came out to see them, rejoiced to find they had been well treated. Though the Zamorin was well pleased with the safe return of his subjects, he refused allowing them to come into his presence as they were only fishermen, or of a low caste; but he sent for Gaspar, whom he received with civility, and whom he assured that our people might come on shore in perfect safety. On receiving this intelligence, Cabral sent Alonso Hurtado to the Zamorin, intimating that the Portuguese fleet had come on purpose to settle trade and friendship, and that the general wished for an audience in which to arrange these matters with his highness. But had orders from the king his master not to go on shore without sufficient pledges for his security; among whom he demanded the Kutwal of Calicut and Araxamenoca one of the chiefs of the Nayres.[19] On this occasion Hurtado was accompanied by a person who could speak the language, to act as his interpreter.

The Zamorin was unwilling to send the hostages required, alleging that they were old and sickly, and offered to send others who were better able to endure the hardships of living on board. Yet he afterwards, at the instigation of the Moors, was against sending any hostages; as they made him believe that the general shewed little confidence in his promise, which was derogatory to his honour and dignity. This negociation lasted three days, as Hurtado insisted on this as a necessary preliminary. At length, desirous of having trade settled with us, owing to the advantages which would accrue to his revenue, the Zamorin agreed to give the hostages required. On which, leaving the command of the fleet in his absence to Sancho de Toar, Cabral directed that the hostages should be well treated, but on no account to deliver them to anyone even although demanded in his name.

On the 28th of December, Cabral went on shore magnificently dressed and attended by thirty of his principal officers and others, the king's servants, in as much state as if he had been king of Portugal; carrying with him rich furniture for his apartments, with a cupboard of plate containing many rich pieces of gilt silver. He was met by many principal Nayres, sent by the Zamorin to wait upon him, and attended by a numerous train, among whom were many persons sounding trumpets, sackbuts, and other musical instruments. The Zamorin waited for him in a gallery close by the shore, which had been erected on purpose; and while the general went towards the shore, accompanied by all the boats of the fleet, dressed out with flags and streamers, the hostages were carried on board his ship, where they were loath to enter till they should see the general on shore, lest he might return and detain them; but were at last reassured of their safety by Aries Correa. On landing, Cabral was received in great state by several Caymals, Pinakals, and other principal Nayres; by whose directions he was placed in an andor or chair, in which he was carried to the serame or hall of audience, where the king waited his arrival.

The serame, or gallery, was all hung round with rich carpets, called alcatifas; and at the farther end the Zamorin sat in an alcove or recess resembling a small chapel, with a canopy of unshorn crimson velvet over his head, and having twenty silk cushions under him and about him. The Zamorin was almost naked, having only a piece of white cotton round his waist, wrought with gold. On his head he wore a cap of cloth of gold resembling a helmet. In his ears he had rich jewels of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of the latter being as large as walnuts. His arms, from the elbows to the wrists, were covered with golden bracelets, set with numberless precious stones of great value; and his legs, from the knees to the ankles, were similarly adorned. His fingers and toes had numerous rings, and on one of his great toes he wore a ruby of great size and wonderful brilliancy. One of his diamonds was bigger than a large bean. All these were greatly surpassed by his girdle of gold and jewels, which was altogether inestimable, and was so brilliant that it dazzled the eyes of the beholders. Beside the Zamorin was a rich throne or state chair, all of gold and jewels; and his andor, in which he had been carried from the palace was of similar richness, and stood near him. He was attended by twenty trumpeters, seventeen of whom had silver trumpets, and three of them gold, all the mouth-pieces being finely wrought and set with jewels. Although in full day, the hall was lighted by many silver lamps, in the fashion of the Moors. Close by the king there stood a spitting basin of gold, and several silver perfuming-pans, which produced an excellent odour. Six paces from the king, he was attended on by his two brothers, who were the nearest heirs to the kingdom; and a little farther off were many noblemen, all standing.

On entering the hall, and seeing the splendid state of the Zamorin, Cabral would have kissed his hand, as is the custom of Europe; but was informed that this was not customary among them, and therefore sat down in a chair near the king, which was appointed for him as an especial honour. He then delivered his letter of credit from the king of Portugal, written in Arabic, and then said, that the king his master, willing to cultivate trade and friendship with the Zamorin and his subjects, had given him orders to require permission to establish a factory or house of trade in Calicut, which should always be supplied with every kind of merchandize that was in demand; and requested the Zamorin to supply a sufficient loading of spices for the ships under his command, which he was ready to pay for, either by means of the commodities he had on board, or in ready money. The Zamorin seemed, or affected, to be pleased with the embassy, and said that the king of Portugal was welcome to everything in his city of which he was in need.

At this time the present from the king of Portugal to the Zamorin was brought forward; which, among other things, contained a richly wrought basin and ewer of silver gilt; a gilt silver flagon and cover of similar workmanship; two silver maces; four cushions, two of which were cloth of gold, and the other two of unshorn crimson velvet; a state canopy of cloth of gold, bound and fringed with gold; a carpet of rich crimson velvet; two very rich arras hangings, one ornamented with human figures, and the other with representations of trees and flowers. The Zamorin was much satisfied with this present, and said the general might either retire to his lodgings for rest and refreshment, or might return to his ships as he thought best; but, as the hostages were men of high caste and could not endure the sea, who could neither eat or drink while on board consistent with their customs, it became necessary that they should come on shore. Wherefore, if the general would return to his ship and send these men on shore, and inclined to come back next day to conclude all matters relative to the trade of Calicut, the same hostages should be again sent on board.

As the general placed confidence in these assurances of the Zamorin, he went on board, leaving Hurtado and [[an]]other seven of his people in charge of his valuables that were left on shore. When at the water side and ready to embark, a servant of one of the hostages, who was dispatched by the comptroller of the Zamorin's household, went before in an almadia or small pinnace, and gave notice to the hostages that the general was coming on board. On which they leapt into the sea, meaning to escape to land in the almadia with the servant: But Aries Correa went immediately with some of the Portuguese mariners in a boat, and retook two of the hostages, with three or four of the Malabars belonging to the almadia. The rest of the hostages, among whom was the Kutwal, got to the city.

When Cabral came on board and learnt what had happened, he ordered the two remaining hostages to be secured below deck, and sent a complaint to the Zamorin against the conduct of the hostages, laying all the blame on the comptroller. He desired the messenger to inform the Zamorin of the situation of the two remaining hostages, and to say that they should be liberated whenever the Portuguese and the goods on shore were sent back to the ships. Next day the Zamorin came to the shore accompanied by 12,000 men, and sent off the Portuguese people and their commodities to the ships in thirty almadias, with orders to bring back the hostages. But none of the Malabars in the almadias dared to approach the ships, being afraid of the Portuguese, and returned therefore to the land without delivering our people and commodities.

Next day, the general sent some of his own boats to land the pledges, but at some distance from the almadias; on which occasion Araxamenoca, one of the hostages, leapt into the sea with an intention to escape, but was retaken; and while our people were busied in securing him, the other hostage made his escape. The general was astonished at the want of truth and honour in these people, and gave orders to keep Araxamenoca in strict custody; but finding at the end of three days that the Zamorin did not send for him, and that during all this period he refused all sustenance, Cabral took compassion on him and sent him to the Zamorin, requesting that two of our men who remained on shore might be sent on board, which was complied with.

After waiting three days without any message from the Zamorin, the general sent one Francisco Correa to inquire if he inclined to confirm the agreement between them, in which case he would send Aries Correa on shore to treat with his highness, for whose safety he required hostages. The Zamorin answered that he was perfectly willing to have the trade established, and that the general might send Aries Correa or any other person on shore for that purpose, and transmitted two grandsons of a rich merchant of Guzerate as hostages. Aries Correa went accordingly on shore, and was accommodated by the orders of the Zamorin with a convenient house for himself and his goods, which belonged to the Guzerate merchant, who was likewise commanded to assist Correa in regard to the prices of his merchandize and all other things relating to the trade and customs of the place. But this man being a friend to the Moors of Mecca, thwarted him in all things instead of giving him assistance.

The Moors were determined enemies to our people, both for being Christians, and lest their credit and advantageous traffic in Calicut might suffer by the establishment of our trade in that port. Wherefore, by means of their confederacy with the Guzerate merchant, they took our goods at any price they pleased, and intimidated the Malabars from trading with us. The Moors concluded that the establishment of our factory would lower the price of such commodities as they had to sell, and would inhance the value of the spiceries, drugs, and jewels which they took in exchange. On this account they thwarted Correa in all his transactions, offering higher prices than ordinary for every article, by which he was constrained to buy every thing at a very dear rate. If at any time he wished an audience of the Zamorin, the Moors always contrived to be present, that some of them might speak against him. In this conduct they were assisted by Samicide,[20] a Moor, who was admiral of Calicut; who likewise hindered any of our people of the factory from going on board the fleet, and detained any of our boats that approached the shore, pretending to do this by command of the Zamorin.

On learning this sinister conduct of the Moorish admiral of Calicut, and suspecting some intended treachery, the general gave orders to the fleet to weigh their anchors, and to remove out of the harbour, lest they might be attacked by the Zamorin's fleet, and that he might take counsel with the other captains for the safety of the expedition. On learning this, the Zamorin inquired the reason from Correa, who urged the injurious behaviour of the Moors, and told him all that they had done. The Zamorin immediately gave orders that the Moors should discontinue their villanous conduct towards us, and even removed the Guzerate merchant from our factory, appointing one Cosebequin[21] in his place, who, though a Moor, was a very honest man and behaved to us in a friendly manner. This man was of great credit in Calicut, being the head of all the native Moors of that country, who are always at variance with the Moors of Cairo and of the Red Sea, of whom the admiral Samicide was the chief.

The Zamorin gave farther orders, that our factory should be removed to a house close to the shore which belonged to Cosebequin, that our merchants might have greater freedom to buy and sell, without any interruption from the Moors. For the greater security, a deed of gift was made of this house by the Zamorin to the king of Portugal and his successors for ever, a copy of which, signed and sealed by the Zamorin, was enclosed in a casket of gold that it might be conveyed to Portugal; and permission was given to display a flag of the royal arms of Portugal from the top of the factory.[22] On receiving intelligence of these favourable measures, Cabral brought back the fleet into the harbour of Calicut, and sent his compliments of thanks to the Zamorin for his gracious and favourable dispositions. After this, our factory had tolerably good fortune in conducting its trade by the assistance of Cosebequin: and the natives, finding our factory favoured by the Zamorin, behaved so very civilly to our people that they could go about wherever they pleased, with as much freedom and safety as in Lisbon.

During the subsistence of this friendly intercourse, a large Moorish ship was descried from Calicut on its voyage from Cochin for Cambaya; and the Zamorin requested our general to make prize of the ship, alleging that it contained a peculiarly fine elephant which he wished to possess, and which had been refused to him although he had offered more than its value. The general answered that he would do this willingly to gratify his highness; but, as he was informed the ship was large and well manned, both with mariners and soldiers, it could not be expected to surrender without resistance, in which some men might be slain on both sides, and it was therefore necessary he should have the sanction of his highness to kill these people in case of resistance, which was accordingly granted. Upon which the general sent Pedro de Tayde in his caravel, accompanied by a valiant young gentleman named Duarte, or Edward Pacheco, and by sixty fighting men, with orders to take this ship. Along with them the zamorin sent certain Moors, that they might witness the manner of fighting used by the Portuguese.

The caravel gave chase to the Moorish ship till night, and then lost sight of her; but in sailing along shore by moon-light, they saw her riding at anchor, ready for defence, judging her to be about 600 tons burden, and to contain 300 fighting men. Pacheco, according to his orders, did not think proper to lay the Moorish ship on board, but commanded his ship to be brought to, intending to sink the Moorish ship by means of his ordnance, in case of necessity. The Moors made light of our small force, which they greeted with loud cries and the sound of musical instruments, after which they played their ordnance against our caravel. They were bravely answered by our men, and one of our balls struck them between wind and water, so that the Moorish ship took in much water; and many of their men being killed and wounded by our shot, they bore away for the bay of Cananor, which was very near, and came there to anchor beside other four Moorish ships. Pacheco followed them and continued to batter them with his guns, and had assuredly taken them had not certain paroas belonging to the Moors come from the port of Cananor to their assistance. The night growing very dark, Pacheco quitted the bay lest his caravel might be set on fire by the Moors, and came to anchor close to an island at a short distance, having had nine of his men wounded by arrows during the engagement.

Next morning Pacheco again attacked the Moorish ship, which at last yielded, to the great displeasure of the natives of Cananor, who had flocked to the seaside intending to have succoured the Moors; but, on Pacheco sending a few shots among them, they all dispersed. Pacheco came next day to Calicut with his prize, where the Zamorin came down to the water side to see the Moorish ship, giving great praise to our people for their prowess, being much astonished that so great a ship should be taken by one so much inferior in size and number of men. The general commanded this ship to be delivered to the Zamorin, together with the seven elephants that were on board, which were worth in Calicut 30,000 crowns. He also sent a message to the Zamorin, saying that he need not be astonished at this action as he would perform much greater actions to serve his highness. The Zamorin returned thanks for what had been done, and desired the brave men who had performed this gallant action to be sent him, that he might do them honour and reward them as they deserved; and he bestowed large presents upon Pacheco in particular. Some affirm that the performance of this gallant feat by so small a number of our men against such great odds, raised fear and jealousy of the Portuguese in the mind of the Zamorin, and made him anxious to get them away from his country; for which cause he gave his consent to the treachery which was used against them, as I mean to shew in the sequel.[23]

The Moors of Calicut were more terrified than ever at the Portuguese in consequence of the capture of this ship, and were much offended by the favour bestowed by the Zamorin upon our men for their gallantry on this occasion. They believed that all this was done out of revenge against themselves, for the injuries they had done us, and was intended to induce them to retire from Calicut; especially as our people brought there as great store of merchandize as they did, and bought as many spices. Taking all this into consideration, they procured an audience of the Zamorin, to whom one of their number made the following oration in the name of all the Moors.

"Emparather[24] of all the Malabars, as great as the mightiest sovereign of the Indies, and most powerful among the princes of the earth: we are astonished that you should debase yourself by receiving into your country these enemies of your law and strangers to the customs of your kingdom, who seem pirates rather than merchants. We should not wonder at your so doing were your city in want of the commodities they bring, or could not otherwise dispose of the spiceries they purchase: But we, whom you have long known and whose fidelity you are well assured of by experience, have always done both to the great increase of your revenue. You appear to forget all this, by receiving those whom you do not know into your favour, and employing them to revenge your injuries, as if your own numerous and faithful subjects were incompetent for the purpose. In this you dishonour yourself, and embolden these strangers to hold your power in contempt, and to act as we know they will hereafter, by robbing and plundering all merchant ships that frequent your port, to the ruin of your country, and who will at length take possession of your city. This is the true intent of their coming into these seas, and not to trade for spices as they pretend. Their country is almost 5000 leagues from hence, and the voyage out and home is attended by many dangers through unknown and stormy seas, besides the great cost of their large ships with so many men and guns. Hence at whatever prices they may dispose of their spices in Portugal, it is obvious such a trade must be carried on with great loss; which is a manifest proof that they are pirates, and not merchants, who come here to rob, and to take your city. The house you have given them for a factory, they will convert into a fort, from whence they will make war on you when you least expect it. All this we say more from the good will we owe you, than for any profit; for if you do not listen to our advice, there are other cities in Malabar to which we will remove, and to which the spices will be conveyed for us."

To this harangue the Zamorin gave a favourable answer, saying that he would give attention to all they had said, of which indeed he already had some suspicions. That he had employed the Portuguese to seize the ship to try their courage, and had allowed them to load their ships, that the money they had brought to purchase goods might remain in the country; and finally, that he would not forsake them in favour of the strangers. The Moors were by no means satisfied with all this, because the Zamorin did not order us to depart from Calicut, and did not stop our trade, which was their chief purpose. Though disappointed in these views, they continued to intermeddle in our affairs, particularly by buying up the spices and sending them elsewhere, in hope of irritating our people, and bringing on a quarrel, that they might have a pretext to attack us. This they were much inclined to bring about, as, being greatly more numerous than our men, they hoped the Zamorin would take part with them against us. They likewise used all possible means to draw over the common people of Calicut to their side, and to excite them to enmity, against us, by making them believe that our people had injured them.

Through those devices, our Factor was unable to procure more spices than sufficed to load two ships in the course of three months, from which the general was convinced that the friendly assurances of the Zamorin was little to be depended on; and if he had not been afraid of not being able to procure a sufficient supply elsewhere, he would have gone to another port. But having already consumed a long time and been at heavy charges, he determined to remain at Calicut, and sent a message to the Zamorin, complaining of the delays, which ill accorded with the promises of his highness, that the whole fleet should be loaded in twenty days, whereas three months were now elapsed and the loading of two ships only was procured. He urged the Zamorin's promise that the Portuguese ships were to be first loaded; whereas he had assured information that the Moors had bought up great quantities of spices at lower prices, and sent them to other places, and begged the Zamorin to consider that it was now time for the ships to begin their voyage to Portugal, and that he anxiously wished for dispatch. On receiving this message, the Zamorin pretended to be much surprised that our ships were still unprovided with a loading, and could not believe that the Moors had secretly bought up and removed the spices, contrary to his orders; and even gave permission to the general to take those ships belonging to the Moors which were laden with spices, paying the same prices for the spices which had been given by the Moors.

This intelligence gave much satisfaction to the Moors, as a favourable opportunity for drawing on hostilities with the Portuguese; and, accordingly, one of the principal Moorish merchants began immediately to load his ship: openly with all kinds of drugs and spices, and suborned several Moors and Indians, who pretended to be the friends of our factor, to insinuate that he would never be able to find a sufficient loading for our fleet, if he did not seize that ship. Correa listened to this insidious advice, which he communicated to the general, urging him to take that Moorish ship, as he had license from the Zamorin to that effect. The general was exceedingly unwilling to proceed to this extremity, afraid of the influence of the Moors with the Zamorin, and of producing hostilities with the natives. But Correa remonstrated against delay, protesting that the general should be responsible for all losses that might accrue to the king of Portugal through his neglect. Over-persuaded by this urgency of the factor, the general sent all the boats of the squadron on the 17th of December to take possession of the Moorish ship.

When this intelligence was received on shore, the Moors thought this a favourable opportunity of destroying our people, and immediately raised a great outcry against the Portuguese, incensing the people of the city to join with them in complaining to the Zamorin; to whom they went in a tumultuous manner, representing that we had bought and shipped a much larger quantity of drugs and spices than the value of all our merchandize, and not contented with this, were for taking all like thieves and pirates; they blamed the Zamorin for permitting us to trade in the city, and requested his license to revenge themselves upon us for the loss of their vessel. The faithless and inconstant king gave them the license they required; on which they immediately armed themselves, and ran furiously to our factory, which was surrounded by a wall eight or ten feet high, and contained at that time seventy Portuguese, among whom was Fra Henriques and his friars. Of our people in the factory, only eight were armed with crossbows, all the rest being only armed with swords, with nothing to defend them but their cloaks. On hearing the tumult, our people went to the gate of the factory, and seeing only a few assailants, they thought to defend themselves with their swords against a mischievous rabble, but the numbers of the Moors soon increased, and galled our people so severely with their spears and arrows, that they were forced to shut the gates, after killing seven of the enemy, hoping to be able to defend themselves by means of the wall. In this conflict four of our men were slain, and several wounded, and all the remainder mounted the wall to defend it by means of the crossbows, judging that the assailants were at least four thousand men, among whom were several Nayres.

Correa now found himself unable to defend the factory against so great a force, and therefore hoisted a flag as signal to the fleet. The general was at this time sick in bed, having been just blooded, and was not therefore able to go in person to relieve the people in the factory; but immediately sent all the boats of the fleet, well manned, under the command of Sancho de Toar. But he was afraid to venture on land with so small a force against so great a multitude, or even to approach too near the shore, lest the enemies might assail him in their almadias and tonis. He lay off, therefore, at a considerable distance, where he remained a spectator of the valiant defence made by our people at the factory, whence they killed great numbers of the assailants. But their enemies always increased in numbers, and they at length brought up certain engines to beat down part of the wall, in which they at length succeeded. On this, our men issued out by a door which led towards the sea side, in hopes of being able to fight their way to the boats, in which attempt Correa was slain, and fifty more of our men were either killed or made prisoners, twenty only escaping who swam to the boats, most of whom were much wounded. Among these were Fra Henriques, and Antonio, the son of Aries Correa, then only eleven years old; who hath since done many noble feats of arms in the Indies and other places, as I shall afterwards declare in the Fourth Book of this history.

The general was much concerned at this event, not only for the loss of his men, but on seeing how little confidence could be reposed on the promises of the Zamorin after all the presents he had received, and the services which had been performed for him. He had now spent three months at Calicut, during which he had only loaded two of his ships, and knew not how to procure loading for the rest; especially as he could not expect a favourable reception at Cochin on account of having captured the ship with the elephant as before related. Considering the treason which had been practised on our men, the general determined upon taking a signal revenge, if the Zamorin did not make an ample excuse for what had taken place, and make a full reparation by immediately providing the rest of the ships with lading. The Zamorin, however, had no such intentions, being much pleased with what the Moors had done, and even ordered all the goods in our factory to be seized, to the value of 4000 ducats. He likewise ordered all of our people who had been taken on shore to be made captives, four of whom died of their wounds.

Seeing that no message or excuse was sent by the Zamorin all that day, the general held a council with his officers as to the proper steps to be taken on the present emergency; when it was determined to take immediate and ample revenge, without giving time to the Zamorin to arm his fleet. On this, orders were issued to take possession of ten large ships which lay in the road or harbour of Calicut, which was done after some resistance, many of their crews being killed or drowned, and others made prisoners who were reserved to serve as mariners on board our fleet. Some spices and other merchandize were taken in these ships, and three elephants, which were killed and salted as provisions for the voyage; and it appeared that 600 Moors were slain in defending these ships. After everything of value was taken from the Moorish ships, they were all burnt in sight of the city. Many of the Moors embarked in their almadias to attempt succouring their ships, but our men soon put them to flight by means of their ordnance.

The Zamorin and the whole city of Calicut were much mortified to see so many ships destroyed, and them unable to help, but their astonishment and terror were much increased by the events of the ensuing day. During the night, the general ordered all the ships of the fleet to be towed as near as possible to the shore by means of the boats, and spread out at some distance from each other, that they might be able to reach the city with their ordnance; which, as soon as day broke, was directed to play upon the city in every direction, doing vast damage among the houses. The natives brought down to the shore such small pieces of ordnance as they possessed, which they fired off against us, but without being able to do us any injury; whereas not a shot of ours missed taking effect, either among the multitude of our enemies which flocked to the shore, or on the buildings of the city, both the houses of the inhabitants and the temples of their deities receiving incredible damage. So great was the consternation, that the Zamorin fled from his palace, and one of his chief Nayres was killed by a ball close beside him. Part even of the palace was destroyed by the cannonade.

Towards afternoon two ships were seen approaching the harbour, which immediately changed their course on seeing how our fleet was employed; on which the general ceased firing against Calicut, and made all sail after these two ships to Pandarane, where they took shelter among other seven ships lying at anchor close to the shore and filled with Moors. Finding that our fleet could not get near enough to attack them, owing to shallow water, and considering that it was now late in the season for his voyage back to Lisbon, the general resolved to be contented with the revenge he had already taken upon Calicut, and made sail for Cochin, where he was informed there was more pepper to be had than even at Calicut, and where he hoped to enter into a treaty with the rajah of that place.

On his way towards Cochin, Cabral took two ships belonging to the Moors, which he set on fire, after taking out of them some rice which they had on board. On the 20th of December the fleet arrived at Cochin, which is nineteen leagues to the south of Calicut, and is in nine degrees towards the north.[25] Cochin is in the province of Malabar, on a river close to the sea, and is almost an island, so that it is very strong and difficult of access, having a large and safe harbour. The land in its neighbourhood is low and intersected by branches of the river into many islands. The city itself is built much after the same manner with Calicut, and is inhabited by idolaters, with a good many Moorish strangers, who come hither to trade from many countries, two of whom were so rich as to have each fifty ships employed. This country does not abound in provisions, but produces large store of pepper, even Calicut being mostly supplied from hence. But as Calicut is greatly more resorted to by merchants, it is therefore much richer than Cochin. The king is an idolater, of the same manners and customs with him of Calicut; but his country being small he is very poor, and has not even the right to coin money, being in many respects subordinate to the Zamorin; who, on his accession to the throne always goes to Cochin, and takes possession of that kingdom, either retaining it in his own hands, or restoring the rajah, as he may think proper. The rajah of Cochin, consequently, is bound to assist the Zamorin in all his wars, and must always be of the same religion with his paramount.

Having come to anchor in the harbour of Cochin, the general sent one Michael Jogue[26] on shore with a message to the rajah, as he feared to send Caspar on shore, lest he might run away. This person, though an idolater and a stranger, had come aboard our fleet with the intention of becoming a Christian, and of going into Portugal, and our general had him baptised by the name of Michael. He was ordered to give the rajah of Cochin an account of all that had happened at Calicut, and that Cabral had brought great store of merchandize to barter for the commodities of Cochin; or if the rajah were not satisfied with these, he was willing to give ready money for what he wanted; requesting to be furnished with loading for four of his ships in either way, as most agreeable to the rajah.

To this message the rajah[27] made answer, that he was exceedingly glad of the arrival of the Portuguese, of whose power and valour he had already heard, for which he esteemed them highly, and that they were welcome to purchase what spices his country afforded, either in barter for their goods, or for money, as they thought proper. He added, that the general might freely send any agents he pleased on shore to make purchases and sales, and sent two principal Nayres as hostages for their safety; conditioning only, that they might be changed daily for others, because any of that caste who chanced to eat even once on shipboard could never appear again in the rajah's presence. Cabral was well pleased with this promising beginning, and immediately appointed Gonzalo Gil Barbosa as Factor, who had been assistant to Aries Correa, giving him Laurenço Morena as clerk, and Madera de Alcusia as interpreter, with four of the banished men as servants.

On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the Register[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the Nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the Zamorin, even the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal.[29]

After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem.[30] Being asked by the general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.

"Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians had their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay,[31] their bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their tonsure is made in form of a cross."

The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following account: "When St. Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and should always assist the pope of Armenia. But after the Moors entered into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos.

The priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown; and they have both deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless them; and when anyone dies, they gather a large company and feast for eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir; but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St. Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much devotion.

They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July every year in honour of St. Thomas, but they could give no reason why this was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce between married people, who must live together till death. They receive the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by the motion of the stars."[32] The general was very glad to receive this Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin in his ship.

While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings, but that he should certainly visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels, was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting order.

Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with all his fleet against them, having on board the two Nayres who were hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his attention to the forlorn Nayres, who had been five days on board without eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on them to take food.

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula,[33] and other drugs. In several pools of water near this city there are many very large alligators,[34] similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals.

The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a Bramin, being one of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the Zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he had a mind for, of that or any other commodity, till his return from Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness that he might depend on his constant friendship.

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not come to the Indies to make war on anyone, excepting indeed with the Zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained.

After remaining some time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.

[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named Vasco de Tayde.--E.
[2] Astley says only 1200,--Astl. I. 40.
[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of Peace.--E.
[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582.--E.
[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd, and returned to Portugal.--Astl. I. 41. a.
[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild says to the east.--E.
[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be landed on occasions of danger.--E.
[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16°S. and about long. 39° 40'W. This country of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called.--E.
[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining. --E.
[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat. of 27°S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19°S. the coast stretches out nearly five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in the text.--E.
[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13°S. and almost 36°E. from Greenwich.--E.
[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda, and was named Sheikh Foteyma.--Astl. I. 41. b.
[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga, Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions of this work.--E.
[14] This word miso is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts of Castaneda. The small cattle of the text are probably meant for sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts of the original from great cattle, not here mentioned.--E.
[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab dows of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more particularly described.--E.
[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches.--E.
[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.
[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De Gama, in the former voyage.--E.
[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor who went off with De Gama.--Astl. I. 43. b.
[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci.--Astl. I. 44, a.
[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult to rectify them.--Astl. I. 44. b.
[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men.-- Astl. I. 45.
[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese, and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the favour of the rajah of Cochin.--Astl. I. 45.
[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some native term of dignity.--E.
[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10º N. while Calicut is about 11º 10'.--E
[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.--Astl. I. 47. a.
[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.--Astl. I. 47. b.
[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E.
[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.--Astl. I. 43. a. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin.--E.
[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the Josephus Indus, or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynæus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory.--Astl. I. 48. b.
[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians.--E.
[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call Intercalor, which is of forty hours."
This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.--E.
[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.
[34] Lagartos in the original.

* * * * *

Note.--In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an article entitled, Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501. We were inclined to have inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, confused, and uninstructive, as not to merit attention. It evidently appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph. But, as the writer of this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his inquiries.--E.

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.--E.


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