Volume 8, Chapter 10 -- Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment of the East India Company: *section index*

Volume 8, Chapter 10, Section 12 -- Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain of the Pepper-corn.[347]


Captain Nicholas Downton was what was then called lieutenant-general under Sir Henry Middleton, in the sixth voyage set forth by the English East India Company. We once meant only to have given an extract from this journal, to supply the deficiency in the latter part of the former narrative by Sir Henry Middleton; but on a careful examination, we have found its information so superior to most of the early relations of voyages, that we even regret it had been before garbled or abbreviated by Purchas, who tells us that this article consists only of certain extracts from the journal of Captain Downton. Some uninteresting details have however been omitted.--E.

§ 1. Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both inclusive.

The 22nd July, 1611, we got sight of the Table and point of Saldanha, bearing east, twelve leagues distant; but owing to calms and contrary winds, it was the 24th before we got moored in the road. We there found three ships belonging to Holland; one of which, bound for Bantam, was commanded by Peter Bat, general of thirteen sail outward-bound, but having spent his main-mast and lost company of his fleet, put in here to refresh his sick men. The other two were homeward-bound, having made train-oil of seals at Penguin island.

Saldanha bay is some fourteen leagues N.N.E. from the Cape of Good Hope,[348] and ten leagues N. by W. from Cape _Falso_, which is eastward of the former; and both of which capes may be seen from the said bay. These two capes are divided by another great bay, False bay, the distance between the two bays being about three leagues of low marshy land, extending north and south, and on either side environed by mountains.

In former time, Saldanha bay was very comfortable to our navigators, both outward and homeward-bound, yielding them abundance of cattle and sheep, by which their weak and sick men in former voyages were easily recovered and made strong. These used to be brought down by the savage inhabitants, and sold for mere trifles, as an ox for a piece of hoop-iron fourteen inches long, and a sheep for a much shorter piece. It is now quite otherwise; but from my ignorance of the language of the natives, I have not been able to ascertain the cause. Whether it may have proceeded from the too great liberality_of the Dutch spoiling the trade, which indeed they are apt to do in all places where they come, as they only consider their present occasions; or whether it may have been that the cattle formerly brought down in such abundance were plunder taken from each other in wars then raging, which made them greedy of iron to make heads for their lances and darts, which now by peace or reconciliation they have little need of. However this may have been, all our bribes or contrivances should only procure at this time four old lean cows, for which they would not take iron in payment, but thin pieces of copper six inches square. We got likewise six or seven sheep, for pieces of copper three inches square, cut out of a kettle. Of this copper they made rings, six or eight of which made very bright they wear on their arms.

These people are the filthiest I have ever seen or heard of; for besides other uncleanness, which most people clear off by washing, this people, on the contrary, augment their natural filth, anointing their bodies with a nasty substance which I suppose to be the juice of herbs, but seems on their bodies like cow-dung; and with which the wool of their heads is so baked, as to seem a scurf of green herbs. For apparel, they wear the tail of a cat, or some other small beast, hanging before them, and a cloak of sheep-skin, which hangs down to the middle of their thighs, turning it according to the weather, sometimes the dressed side, and sometimes the hair next [[to]] the body; for their sheep have hair instead of wool, and are parti-coloured like calves. Their principal people wear about the bend of their arms a thin flat ring of ivory, and on their wrists six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of copper, kept bright and smooth. They are decorated also with other toys, as bracelets of blue glass, beads, or shells, given them for ostrich egg-shells or porcupine quills by the Dutchmen.

They wear also a most filthy and abominable thing about their necks, being the nasty guts of their slaughtered cattle, making them smell more offensively than a butcher's shambles. They carry in their hands a small dart or javelin, with a small iron head, and a few ostrich feathers to drive away flies. They have also bows and arrows; but generally when they come down to us, they leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are a well-made people, and very swift of foot, and their habitations seem to be moveable, so as to shift about to the best pastures for their cattle in the valleys among the mountains, which far up in the country were at this time covered with snow, but those near the sea, though very lofty, were quite clear.

We saw various animals, as fallow-deer, antilopes, porcupines, baboons, land-tortoises, snakes, and adders. The Dutchmen told us also of lions, but we saw none. There are fowls also in abundance, as wild geese, ducks, pelicans, passea, flamingos, crows having a white band on their necks, small green birds, and various others unknown to us. Also penguins, gulls, pintados spotted with black and white, alcatrasses which are grey with black pinions, shags or cormorants at the island in great abundance, and another like a moor-hen. Fishes likewise of various kinds, as great numbers of small whales, great abundance of seals at the island, and with the sein we took many fishes like mullets as large as trouts, smelts, thorn-backs, and dogs; and plenty of limpets and mussels on the rocks. This place has a most wholesome air, and has plenty of water both to serve navigators, and for travellers in the country, as numerous small streams descend every where from the mountains.

This being the spring season at this place, it repented me that I had not brought out many kinds of garden seeds, which might have been useful afterwards for the relief of many Christians coming here for refreshments. Also planting acorns might in time be useful, as trees grow here more quickly than in our cold country.

Having finished our business of laying in a stock of water, and somewhat relieved those of our men who were sick and weak, with what fresh provisions we could procure, which indeed consisted principally of mussels, we prepared to set sail, which we did at four in the morning of the 13th of August. We descried the island of Madagascar on the 6th September, in lat. 23° 38' S., and anchored that evening in the bay of St. Augustine in twelve fathoms. We here found the Union of London, vice-admiral of the fourth voyage, her people being much distressed for provisions to carry them home. They related to our general their having unfortunately lost [[the]] company of their admiral and pinnace, between Saldanha and the Cape of Good Hope, of which they had never heard since, and various other unfortunate circumstances of their outward-bound voyage.[349] Our general supplied them plentifully with provisions, and also restored union among the ship's company, Mr. Samuel Bradshaw being much disliked by the factious master and his adherents, for his sober, discreet, and provident management of the company's business.

At this place I particularly remarked two singular kinds of trees. One of these yields from its leaves and boughs a yellow sap of so fat a nature that when fire is put to it standing quite green, the fire blazes up immediately over all the leaves and branches. Its wood is white and soft. The other kind has white wood with a small brown heart, but nearly as hard as lignum vitae. The trees which we of the Pepper-corn cut for fire-wood, hung all full of green fruit called Tamerim [tamarinds], as large as an English bean-cod, having a very sour taste, and reckoned good against the scurvy. The men of our admiral, having more leisure than ours, gathered some of this fruit for their own use. We saw likewise here abundance of a plant, hardly to be distinguished from the sempervivum of Socotora, whence the Socotrine aloes is made; but I know not if the savage natives of this island have any knowledge of its use.

The natives, for what reason I know not, came not near us, so that we got not here any beef or mutton, though oxen used to be had here for a dollar apiece. But we were told the disorderly fellows of the Union had improvidently given whatever the savages asked, so that scarcely any are now to be had even for ten shillings each. Though savage, the people of this island are not ignorant in ordering their men in battle array, as was experienced by the Union at Jungomar. But in all parts of the island, it is necessary for the Christians to be very much on their guard, for the natives are very treacherous.

We left St. Augustine bay on the 9th September, leaving the Union still there. The 29th, the wind being E.S.E. and the current, as I judged, setting S.W., we were entangled with a lee-shore, which we called the Carribas,[350] being several small islands with sundry ledges of rocks among them, only to be discovered by the breaking of the waves upon them. These are between 10° and 11° S. lat., and we spent six days before we could get disengaged from among them, the wind all that time, being E.N.E. or E.S.E., still forcing us to leewards, though using every effort by towing and otherwise to get off. The great danger arose from the strength of the current and the want of any place where we could anchor; as although we had ground near the rocks, it was very deep and foul. There are several of these islands, mostly full of trees. Every night after dark, we could see fires on shore made by the natives, but we had no inclination to go ashore to speak with them. When it pleased God that we got clear of this danger, we found the current to our amazement carry us to the northwards, as much more in our estimation as we made our ship's way; so that when we judged by the log we had gone fifteen leagues, we had actually made thirty leagues.

The 9th October we lost the current, except it might then set to the eastwards, but which we could not ascertain. The 10th, 11th, and 12th, we lost ground daily, caused by the current. The 17th at sunrise, we descried two islands, which we judged to be the Duas Hermanas, or Two Sisters, bearing from each other W. by S. and E. by N. about seven and a half leagues from the west point of Socotora. Having the west point of that island from us N.N.E. three and a half leagues distant, we had twenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-six fathoms. After getting to anchor near a town called Gallanza, the general informed me that the people of the island had confirmed what he already much feared, that the easterly monsoon was already come, and all our hopes of getting to Cambaya were frustrated for nine months; but of this we expected to be better informed by the king of the island at Tamarin, where he resides. The 20th, we got to anchor at a point six leagues short of Tamarin, and five leagues from the point of Gallanzoe; but weighing next day with a small promising breeze, we were forced back by the current again athwart the town of Gallanza, and had to cast anchor far out in a great depth. The 22nd being full moon, it was high water about nine p.m. and I judged that it flowed between ten and eleven feet, the flood-tide setting to the northward, close by the shore.

The 25th, about 11 a.m. we anchored in eight fathoms, a mile from shore, right over against the town of Tamarin, where the king's house is north from the castle, on the top of the hill above the town. At anchoring, we saluted the king with nine guns, and the general sent Mr. Femell ashore handsomely attended in the pinnace, with a fine crimson awning, to present the king a fair gilt cup of ten ounces weight, a sword-blade, and three yards of stammel [red] broad-cloth. The king was ready at the shore to receive him, in an orange-tawny tent, attended by the principal of his people, being Arabs, and a guard of small shot. He thankfully received the present, promised water free, and anything else the island afforded at reasonable price; but they had suffered a two years drought, and consequently had little to spare. He had no aloes for sale, having sent the whole produce to the Red Sea. He informed Mr. Femell that the Ascension and her pinnace came there in February, and went in company with a Guzerat ship to the Red Sea, whence both returned to Socotora and took in water, departing for Cambaya. That his own frigate being afterwards at Basseen, near Damaun, in India, was informed by the Portuguese that the Ascension and pinnace were both lost, but the men saved, having come too soon upon the coast, before the bad weather of winter was over. After a conference of more than an hour, the king sent the general a present of twelve goats.

This king of Socotora was named Muley Amor ebn Sayd, being only viceroy under his father, who is King of Fartak, in Arabia, not far from Aden, and comes into the sea at Camricam..[351] He said his father was at war with the Turks of Aden in his own defence, for which reason he refused to give us a letter for the governor of Aden, as it would do us harm. The people in Socotora on which the king depends are Arabs, the original natives of the island being kept under a most servile slavery. The merchandise of this island consists of Aloes Socotarina, of which they do not make above a ton yearly; a small quantity of Sanguis draconis, some of which our factors bought at twelve-pence a pound; dates, which serve them instead of bread, and which the king sells at five dollars the hundred [weight?]. Bulls and cows we bought at twelve dollars apiece; goats for a dollar; sheep half a dollar; hens half a dollar; all exceedingly small conformable with the dry rocky barrenness of the island; wood cost twelve pence for a man's burden; every thing in short was very dear. I know of nothing else the island produces, except rocks and stones, the whole country being very dry and bare.

§ 2. Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous Proceedings of both Places.

After saluting the king, we took our departure from Socotora for Aden, taking our course along the north side of Abdal Kuria[352] for Cape Guar-da-fui, which is the eastermost point of Abax [Habesh, or Abyssinia], and is about thirty-four leagues west from the western point of Socotora; from which the eastern point of Abdal Kuria is fourteen leagues off. Abdal Kuria is a long narrow rugged island, about five leagues in extent from east to west, on which the King of Socotora keeps a few people to tend a flock of goats. About three leagues north from the middle of Abdal Kuria are two great rocks, near each other and some half a mile long, which are rendered entirely white by the dung of birds. From the west of Abdal Kuria to Cape Guar-da-fui, the distance is fifteen leagues. The 31st October, being athwart the west end of Socotora, we left, to the north, a white rock called Saboyna, four leagues N.W. by W. from the point of Socotora.

The first November, at sunrise, we were abreast the middle of Abdal Kuria, leaving it two and a half leagues to larboard, and the two white rocks half a league to starboard. At one p.m. we descried Cape Guar-da-fui, but it was night before we came near and passed it, so that we could not fix its true position. On the morning of the second we were abreast a high mountain, nine leagues west from Cape Guar-da-fui, between which point and another high point five leagues W. by S. by the compass, there is a low sandy point stretching one league and a quarter to sea; and about three leagues more westerly, we anchored and went ashore with all our boats to cut wood, of which we were in great want. From some of the inhabitants we learnt that the last mount, or high point, which we passed was called Feluk, or Foelix, by the Portuguese; but as soon as these people knew us to be Christians, they fled from us.

The third, in the afternoon, having laid in a stock of wood, we set sail, standing west towards the Red Sea. At ten a.m. on the 5th, we descried the coast of Arabia Felix, bearing from us N.N.W. and N. by E., the nearest land about twelve leagues distant. At noon I found the lat. 13° 28' N. At sun-set we were still about twelve leagues from land, which seemed mountainous in the interior, all very high, without any appearance of trees or grass, or any other fruitfulness. We now directed our course W. by S. as the coast lay, expecting soon to see Aden, as on falling in with the land I reckoned we were not more than twenty-four leagues eastward of that place; but, while I reckoned the course of the ships across the gulf, N.W. by N. we found that we had made little more than bare north, owing to the current, so that on falling in with the land we were little less than sixty leagues short of Aden. We continued our course with a good breeze all day, but shortened sail during the night, not to overshoot Aden, having for the most part twenty-five, twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms water.

At sunset on the 7th, we suddenly got sight of Aden, which stands at the foot of a barren mountain, where one could scarcely have expected to find a town; but it has been placed here for strength, being very defensible, and not to be easily won, if the defendants are men of resolution, and are provided with victuals and ammunition. To seaward, though in a manner dry at low water, there stands a high rock, rather larger than the Tower of London, which is very steep, and not easily ascended by an enemy, having but one narrow passage to go up by means of steps, where four resolute men may withstand a multitude. This rock is walled, flanked, and furnished with cannon, and seems to me capable of commanding both the town and road; yet any ship may anchor in nine fathoms beyond reach of its guns. The anchorage under its command is in nine fathoms downwards. At a little distance, northwards of the former rock, is another of small compass, quite low, and almost even with the water, on which likewise there is a fort well furnished with ordnance.

I could not learn what garrison is usually kept at Aden, but as occasion requires it has reinforcements from other towns in the interior. It is supplied with provisions partly from the low adjoining country, and partly by means of barks from Barbara, on the opposite coast of Abexin,[353] whence they bring cattle, grain, and other provisions, with myrrh and frankincense. Aden is in lat. 12° 35' N., the variation being 12° 40'.[354] The tide, by estimation, flows between six and seven feet at the change of the moon. The mountain, at the foot of which this city is built, is a peninsula jutting out to seaward, joined to the main by a narrow neck of sandy ground, beyond which a large extent of marsh-like ground stretches towards the interior mountains, which may be some sixteen or twenty miles from the town.

At our first anchoring, the governor sent an Arab in a canoe to view our ships, but though called to, he refused to come aboard. Next morning the same Arab came aboard our admiral from the Mir,[355] or governor, to know what we were, and to say that we were welcome to land, if friends. Our general sent ashore a present for the governor, being an engraved musket made in the Turkish fashion, and a choice sword-blade, under the charge of John Williams and Mr. Walter, our linguists, accompanied by other factors. They were not admitted into the town, but were entertained without [[=outside]] the gates near the shore, seemingly with much kindness, pretending great respect for our nation, yet they spoke not a word about trading with us, but said they every day expected the arrival of 30,000 soldiers, which to us seemed strange that so barren a country could find provisions for so great a multitude.

Being told that our general only wished a pilot to carry his ships to Mokha, the chief said he was only deputy to the governor, who was out of town, but would return next day, when an answer should be given. In the mean time the chief sent to our general two Barbara sheep, having broad rumps and small tails, with some plantains and other fruits. The 9th our general sent again ashore for a pilot, but got only fair words, as the Mir or governor was not yet returned. Without sending any pilot, the chief requested our general would not remain for trade at that place with all his ships, but that one only might be left there for their supply. He desired likewise to know the price of several of our commodities, with pretensions that they could supply indigo, olibanum, myrrh, and various other things. Before this answer came back, our ships had been driven by the current so far beyond the point to the west of Aden, that we could not get again eastwards in sight of the town, and had to anchor abreast of a bay to the south-west.

We saw several people fishing in the bay, and many people of fashion[356] on the hill. On this the general went ashore to enquire when the current would change, so that we might get back. The deputy-governor seemed very angry, pretending that our coming was not with any good intent, but merely to discover their strength, insomuch that John Williams was in doubt they would have detained him: but the governor, who was now present, seemed not so rigorous, dissembling with fair words, and promised to give a pilot for Mokha, yet desired that one of our ships might stay for their supply; saying that by the misconduct of former governors, the town had lost its trade, which he now wished to restore, and hoped we would make a beginning. He added that if our ships all departed without trade, he would be blamed by the pacha, his superior officer, who would impute our departure to his ill usage.

The 12th the general sent John Williams again ashore for the promised pilot; when the governor said the pilot's wife would not allow him to go, unless we left four of our principal persons behind as pledges for his safe return, which bred in us a general suspicion of their evil intentions; yet the general, in performance of his promise, determined to leave me behind in the Pepper-corn, but directed me not to carry any goods on shore, as they would not trust us with one of their rascal people except on such disgraceful terms, he thought fit not to trust them with any of our goods. Wherefore, if they wanted any, as they pretended, they were to purchase and pay for them on board; and in case of suspecting any unfair dealings, we were to exchange pledges. If they refused to deal on these principles, I was to follow the general to Mokha. That same afternoon, the general departed with his own ship and the Darling towards Mokha.

We laboured hard on the 13th November, by means of long warps, to get up to Aden against wind and current, and actually got abreast the fishing-cove. This day the Mir or governor of Aden sent a message on board, desiring to speak with our merchants, to know if we meant to trade. Accordingly Mr. Fowler and John Williams, together with the purser, who had other business, went ashore; and having informed the Mir in what manner they were directed to trade, he detained all three, pretending he did so that he might procure payment for anchorage and other duties, for which he demanded 1500 gold Venetianoes, each worth a dollar and half, or 6s. 9_. I continued unprofitably before Aden till the 16th December, in continual danger of shipwreck if any storm had happened, and always fed with promises of trade, but no performance, and our three officers continuing in confinement.

Being informed by my boatswain that he was much in want of small cordage for many purposes, and that he wished he and others might go ashore to lay some on the strand by the town wall, I sent to ask permission from the governor, with assurance of their safely. This was immediately granted with the utmost readiness and complacency, desiring that they might use the most convenient place for their purpose, and offering the use of a house in which to secure their things during the night Yet after all these fair promises, every man who went ashore was seized, stript of their money and every thing they had, and put in irons. My pinnace was lost, all the ropes taken away, together with the implements for laying it over again. Thus there were now prisoners, two merchants, the purser, a man to wait upon them, a prating apothecary, my surgeon, master-caulker, boatswain, one of his mates, two quarter-masters, the cooper, carpenter, gunner's mate, cockswain, and five of his crew, in all twenty persons.

Monday, 16th December, I weighed anchor from the southermost road of Aden, and directed my course through the straits for Mokha. The 20th I came to the road of Mokha, where I saw the Trades-increase riding alone, but no appearance of the Darling. The Trades-increase was about four miles from shore, riding with two anchors ahead, on account of the vehemence of the weather. On coming near, the people of the Trades-increase lowered their flag, as a signal of bad news, by which I suspected some misfortune had befallen our general. When I had anchored, Mr. Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came aboard, when he began with a heavy heart to unfold by degrees all that had happened since we parted at Aden.[357]

The 21st I sent ashore a letter to the general, informing him of the misfortunes that had befallen me at Aden. In answer, he gave me a brief account of the treachery that had been practised upon himself, and requested me, if I could get to sea, to go to Aden and remain there till I heard what became of him and the others on shore. The 22nd the general and all his company set out on their journey for Zenan, attended by a strong guard of soldiers to prevent their escape. The carpenters, however, were detained at Mokha, where they wrought in chains on our pinnace for the pacha; likewise several wounded men, who were unable for the journey, remained still in chains at Mokha.

That same evening, though the Turks guarded our men very narrowly, Mr. Pemberton slipt aside among the bushes, and made for the sea-side, where he chanced upon a canoe with a paddle, in which he put off, committing himself to the danger of the sea, rather than trust to the mercy of the Turks. Through the fatigue of his long journey, he was forced to give over rowing by the morning; but it pleased God that the canoe was noticed from the Trades-increase, and picked up by her pinnace, which brought Mr. Pemberton on board, hardly able to speak through faintness. The 27th, the Darling, which had been sent to seek me at Aden, returned to the road of Mokha, having lost an anchor and cable.

On the 2nd January, 1611, I departed with all the three ships from Mokha roads, intending to ply up for Bab-al-Mondub, for three reasons: first, to ease our ground tackle, which was much decayed through long riding at anchor in boisterous weather; second, to seek some place where we could procure water, for which we were now much distressed; and lastly, to stop the passage of all the Indian ships entering the Red Sea, by which to constrain the Turks to release our general with the people and goods. We stood over in the first place for the Abyssinian coast, where we left the Darling to look for her anchor and cable, while with the other two ships we plied to windward, and came to anchor in the evening on the Arabian coast, about three leagues to windward of Mokha, and about four miles off shore, in eight fathoms water. The 3rd we set sail with the ebb-tide, working to windward; but in the afternoon I spent my two topsails, and before we got [[an]]other two to the yard we were half-seas over towards the Abyssinian coast, and anchored in sixteen fathoms.

Towards morning the wind increased, with dark cloudy weather and a rough sea, when we lost sight of the Trades-increase, at which time she had broken an anchor and drove, and let fall another anchor; which not holding, she drifted into six fathoms, when they were forced to cut their cable, and stand off into deeper water. The 4th, when preparing to weigh anchor, I saw the Trades-increase standing over for Mokha, while Mr. Pemberton in the Darling was riding in a good road, to which I would gladly have gone, but not knowing what need our great ship might have of my carpenters, her own being prisoners at Mokha, I stood after her, and carrying too much sail in rigorous weather, we split both our new topsails, which had been sewed with rotten twine, as indeed most of our sails were. Owing to this, it was night before I got into Mokha road, where I learnt the Trades-increase had lost two anchors, on which I sent my carpenters aboard to stock some others for her.

From that to the 18th we continued in Mokha roads with little ease, and to the material injury of our cables. From the 6th to the 11th canoes came every day from the town with letters from the carpenters, containing a variety of forged news communicated by the aga, who permitted them to send off chiefly for the sake of wine and beer, with which they gratified the Turks; and were sometimes allowed to send off some little fresh provisions. The 12th the Darling came into the road, saluting me with three guns in token of good news. Mr. Pemberton came immediately aboard, and told me, to my great comfort, that he had found an easy road and a good watering place, and had recovered his cable and anchor. The 18th some persons came off to us from Mokha, bringing us two bullocks, two goats, a few hens and eggs, and some fruit, but no news of our general. That afternoon we set sail for the good road on the Abyssinian coast, and anchored at night three leagues short of it, under an island which we named Crab island, owing to the great abundance of crabs we found there. The 19th we weighed again, and anchored under another island, smaller than the former; and on the 20th we stood farther into the bay, anchoring in eight fathoms, half a mile from shore, right opposite the watering place.

I sent George Jeff ashore in the pinnace to find out the river, and to endeavour to speak with the natives. Immediately on landing, about an hundred of the natives presented themselves, armed with lances, and one bolder than the rest came forwards, and even desired to be carried on board. He there informed me, by means of an interpreter, that the Turks had sent over to them, saying how they had betrayed and slain many of our men, and wishing them to do the like to as many as they could lay hold of. This young man was said to be a person of consideration, and was very kind to us all the time we lay in this bay. He remained all night in the Trades-increase, where he was kindly used to his entire content. The 21st, with all the boats, I went a-land with most of our men, setting some to dig wells, some to fetch ballast, others to fill water from a small well we found ready dug, and the rest under arms to guard those who wrought.

Soon after our landing, there came to me the priest of the natives, with the father and brothers of our friendly youth, who had not yet left us. They received him very joyfully on his landing, and presented me with a goat, promising to bring us some more goats next day for sale. I remained ashore all night with a strong guard, to see that no harm were done to our water; and next day set the people to work as before: For, considering the ill usage the general had met with at Mokha from the Turks, and having no assurance of the honesty of this people, I was suspicions of what evil the Turks might intend, or might persuade this people to, against us, even by putting poison into our water; therefore, I trusted no one farther than I could avoid. This day was very boisterous, and none of the natives came near us all day. I continued this night likewise on shore, setting a strong guard to keep watch.

The 23rd, the same people who had been with us before came down, and were followed by others driving several goats to sell, as they had promised. I entertained them kindly, making the purser buy their goats, and they departed in the evening well satisfied, promising to bring us more daily, which they faithfully performed. This day we completed all our ships in water. From the 24th to the 29th inclusive, the natives brought us goats and sheep every day, of which we bought as many as we could use, paying them to their satisfaction.

The 29th, having the wind at N.N.W. we set sail, being determined to ply up to the Bab with all our three ships, to stop all the Indian ships that should come this year to the Red Sea, for the purpose formerly mentioned; but when abreast of Crab island it fell calm, on which we came to anchor, and I went on shore with a large party of men to cut wood for fuel. In the afternoon we saw two jelbas coming over from Mokha, one of which brought me a letter from the general, dated 15th January, giving an account of his safe arrival at Zenan with all his company, except Richard Phillips, Mr. Pemberton's boy, who was left sick at Tayes. This letter, having being kept till the 17th, mentioned the safe arrival of Mr. Fowler and the rest of my company at Zenan. The general likewise informed me, that God had raised him a friend in the midst of his enemies, being the Raha,[358] who is next in dignity to the pacha. This letter made me alter my purpose of stopping the India ships, lest it might prove injurious to the general and his companions in captivity, as also to our countrymen trading in the Mediterranean.

The 7th February, the Trades-increase returned to me in the road of Assab, Mr. Thornton bringing me another letter from the general, desiring me yet to forbear revenging our manifold wrongs, as he and his company expected to begin their journey back to Mokha in five days. The 2nd March, a boat from Mokha brought me a letter from the general, stating that his journey was delayed, and desiring me to forbear taking revenge. The 5th, I sent the Darling over to Mokha, on which day our general and his company arrived there. Mr. Pemberton found in the road of Mokha a great ship belonging to Dabul, called the Mahomet. The 11th, fearing some accident had befallen the Darling, owing to her long absence, I set sail with the other two ships, meaning to have gone over to Mokha; but before I reached Crab island, we saw the Darling coming over, on which we stood back to Assab. In the evening, Mr. Pemberton came to me with twenty-two of the betrayed people of the Trades-increase, and fourteen of my people belonging to the Pepper-corn. He likewise brought me a letter from the general, giving me assurance of his enlargement [[=release]] as soon as the India ships were all arrived, and the wind came round to the westwards.

The 18th, I stood over to Mokha in the Pepper-corn, and arrived there on the 19th. Before I had anchored, I had a letter from the general, giving me to understand that the presence of my ship alarmed the Dabullians and displeased the aga, wherefore he wished me to go back to Assab. I immediately sent George Jeff ashore with two letters, by one of which I gave a brief account of our wants, and my opinion that the Turks only fed him with false hopes to serve their own purposes. In the other, written purposely that he might shew it to the aga, I stated, that so long as he was detained a prisoner, he had no power to command us who were free, and could not therefore keep us from the road of Mokha, or from doing whatever we saw meet for ourselves. To these the general wrote me the following answer:

"Captain Downton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do me and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than is cause, for I have had and still have my full share. And whereas you allege you are loth to depart this road without me, I am more loth to stay behind, if there were any remedy. I made a forced agreement with the pacha at Zenan, that our ships were to absent themselves from this road, till all the India ships were come in; and then at the first coming of the westerly wind, I and all my company were to be set free. If they fail to perform with me, then I would have you shew your endeavours. In the meantime you must have patience, as well as myself. I would be loth the agreement should be first broken on our side, without any cause given by them.

"For the provision that should have been sent in the jelba, it was my fault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the aga. After your departure tomorrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in hand with the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be above three days absent from you. I have promised the ships shall not come into the roads till the westerly winds be come, which will be a month hence at the farthest; in the mean time you shall hear from me by jelbas or boats, which I will send of purpose. I doubt not but there will be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreement was made with the pacha and not with Regib aga. If I doubted [[=suspected]] any new stratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away by this time. I have had, and still have, means for my escape, were it not to leave my people in danger of their lives:

"Doubt not, if they perform not with me, when the westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. I had laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Mr. Femell, but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether the Turks will perform or no, and he makes no doubt but to be sent aboard with the first of the westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us. You may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side with all your ships, till God send us that long-wished-for westerly wind, unless you get a slatch of wind to carry one of your ships to the Bab, to see if all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sorts of provisions waste apace in the ships; which, God sending me aboard, I hope quickly to renew."

The 27th March I sent over the Darling to Mokha, at the general's request, and she returned on the 6th April to Assab road, to deliver the victuals and other provisions, which had so long been detained by the Turks, and brought me a very kind letter from the general. The 21st, the King of Rahayta sent me a present of a fat cow and a slave, by a kinsman of his, who stayed all night in the Trades-increase. At various times the Budwees[359] brought us abundant supplies of bullocks, goats, and sheep, which they sold to us for cloth, preferring that to money. But by the beginning of May, our cloth fit for their use being all gone, we could only purchase with money, after which our supply became scanty. The 11th May, our general happily effected his escape from Mokha aboard the Darling, with fifteen more of his people.[360]

§ 3. Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit.

The 1st April, 1612, on our return from India toward the Red Sea, we were by estimation eighteen leagues short of Aden. It was now ordered by the general that I was to remain before or near the town of Aden, to enforce any Indian ships that should arrive there to proceed into the Red Sea, for which I received a commission, or written instructions, from the general, who was with all expedition to proceed with the Trades-increase to the Bab, or gate of the Red Sea, both for the safety of the company's ship, of which we had intelligence from Masulipatam that she was following our track into the mouths of the wolves, from whom by God's mercy we had escaped; and there to take revenge of the Turks and the subjects of the Great Mogul, for the wrongs done to us, our king, and our country.

The 2d we found the Darling at anchor some eight leagues eastward of Aden, having got before us by reason of our having lingered four days for her. She had completed her business at Socotora, and had departed thence before we passed it, going by Saboyna, Abdal Curia, and Mount Feluk, where we lingered for her. She brought from Socotora a letter left with the king, written by Captain John Saris, general of the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, ships belonging to our India company, signifying that he was gone into the Red Sea, notwithstanding the letter of Sir Henry Middleton, giving an account of the villanies there done to us. The general immediately departed toward the Bab, with the Trades-increase and Darling, leaving me in the Pepper-corn at anchor, about eight leagues east from Aden.

Early in the morning of the 3rd we set sail to the southwards, the better to discover, and so all day we kept to windward of Aden. We soon descried three sail bound for Aden, but they stood away from us, and we could not get near them, as it blew hard. At night we did not come to anchor, but lay to, to try the current by our drift, which I found to be three leagues in ten hours. The morning of the 4th I came to anchor a league or four miles from Aden, in twelve fathoms. Seeing a ship approaching, we set sail very early in the morning of the 12th to intercept her; and at daylight saw her at anchor about three miles south of us. We immediately made sail towards her; which she perceiving, got under weigh for Aden.

Between nine and ten, by firing a shot, she struck her top-sails, and sent her boat to us, saying she belonged to the Zamorin, or King of Calicut, whence they had been forty days. The nakhada, or commander of this ship, was Abraham Abba Zeinda,[361] and her cargo, according to their information, consisted of tamarisk,[362] three tons; rice, 2300 quintals; jagara or brown sugar, forty bahars; cardamoms, seven bahars; dried ginger, four and a half quintals; pepper, one and a half ton; cotton, thirty-one bales, each containing five or six maunds.

Her crew and passengers consisted of seventy-five persons, of whom twenty were appointed to bale out water and for other purposes below, eight for the helm, four for top and yard and other business aloft, and twenty boys for dressing the provisions, all the rest being merchants and pilgrims. Her burden was 140 tons. Having carefully examined them, and finding they belonged to a place which had never wronged our nation, I only took out two tons of water, with their own permission, and dismissed them, giving them strict injunctions not to go to Aden, or I would sink their ship. So they made sail, standing farther out from the land, but going to leewards, we were forced to stand off and on all day and night, lest in the night she might slip into Aden.

Every ship we saw, before we could come to speak them, had advice sent by the governor of Aden to inform them of us. When the Calicut ship was under our command, the governor sent off a boat manned with Arabs, having on board two Turkish soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly been instruments of Abdal Rahman[363] aga, to bind and torture our men whom they had betrayed. On seeing our men, whom they had used so ill, they were in great doubt what usage they might now receive, as their guilty conscience told them they merited no good treatment at our hands. They brought some fruit to sell, and, I suppose, came as spies to see what we were doing.

At the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they would fain have put off their boat again, but I would not permit them, causing them to be reminded of their former behaviour to our men, when in their hands; and when I thought them sufficiently terrified, I ordered them to be told, that they should now see how far our nation differed from the cruelty of Turks, who had most barbarously and injuriously used our men, without giving any cause of offence, whom they had betrayed by fair promises, yet I should now dismiss them without harm. They immediately departed, making many fair promises of sending us refreshments. They accordingly sent off next day a boat loaded with fish; but we were too far off for them to reach us, as we were obliged to put the Calicut ship to leeward towards the Red Sea.

The morning of the 14th, the wind at east, we descried another ship of like burden with the former bound for Aden, which about ten o'clock a.m. we forced to come to anchor. I learnt that she was from Pormean, a town not far from Kuts Nagone,[364] a place tributary to the Great Mogul, who had despised our king, and abused our nation. The nakhada of this ship was a Banian; and being fearful, if any other ship should approach Aden, I must either leave the one or the other, I therefore made haste to search her by my own people. With great labour, before darkness overtook us, we had out of her six packs of coarse dutties, of six corges a pack; [[an]]other thirty-six bales, containing thirty-six corges of coarse dutties; one small bale of candekins-mill, or small pieces of blue calico; with about thirty or more white bastas, and a little butter and lamp oil. So far as we could discover for that night, the rest of her lading consisted of packs of cotton-wool, as we term it, which we proposed to examine farther next day.

This day Moharim aga, who was now Mir, or governor, of Aden, sent me a present of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by the messenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends and nation at this place last year had occasioned my present approach, to do my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance and injury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour from them, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for as they cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect no favour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having received what was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered the things to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of fresh fish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat part of what he brought, for fear of poison.

The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between us and the shore, which being detained by the pinnace, proved to be a jelba belonging to Shaher, bound homewards with grain and other commodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrims from Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nine and a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th I stopped two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian or African coast, called Bandar Zeada; one laden only with mats, and the other having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them, and dismissed them.

The 8th May we plied towards the Bab under easy sail, with a pleasant wind at N.E. by E. At ten a.m. we descried land on the African coast, looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main. From thence we steered N.W. towards the Bab, which by estimation was then about ten leagues distant; and near four p.m. we descried the straits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At daylight next morning we made sail towards the Bab. On entering the strait we descried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struck my top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to take possession.

The pinnace returned with the Nakhada and Malim, whom I examined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging to a place called Larree,[365] situated at the mouth of the great river of Sindi. I luffed up along with this ship into a bay on the east side of the straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent my merchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers [[=different]] packs and fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter, and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As this vessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water, I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve our purposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowed her to proceed for Mokha.

About three p.m. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land of the straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, her main-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship, we knew her by her masts and tops to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; and knowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command over him, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visit our general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stood with the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struck to leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night now approaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her, she proved to be from Kuts Nagone, laden with cotton-wool, some packs of Indian cloth, with some butter and oil.

Having got some of her principal men aboard my ship, I made her edge with me into shoal water, on the Arab coast, where I endeavoured, by means of lights, to discover five of my men, whom I had left in the Larree ship. We anchored at midnight in twelve fathoms, four leagues within the Bab, where the next two days we took out of the Larree ship sixty-six bundles of Indian cloth, but which we returned again, as not needing it, and took only eight corges of bastas, for which we paid to their content, and some butter and oil. I now learned by a jelba, that Sir Henry Middleton had gone to Assab roads, with eight or nine India ships, on which I made sail to join him there, but the wind being unfavourable, had to come to anchor.

Next day, Giles Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came from Sir Henry Middleton, to let me know that he had got possession of all the Indian ships he desired. These were the Rekemi, of 1500 tons; the Hassany, of 600; the Mahmudi of Surat, of 150; the Salamitae, of 450; the Cadree, of 200; the Azum Khani, belonging to the Shah-bandar of Mokha, all belonging to Diu; besides three Malabar ships, the Cadree of Dabul, of 400 tons, and a great ship of Cananore. Mr. Thornton told me, that before I could get into the road of Assab, Sir Henry and Captain Saris, with all their people, would be gone ashore to receive the King of Rahayta, who was come with his nobles and guards to visit the two generals. The day being near spent, Sir Henry and Captain Saris left the king in his tent, and went aboard the Trades-increase to supper.

I understood also of a contract entered into with the Indian ships at the Bab, by which it was agreed to exchange all our English goods for such Indian commodities as should be settled by certain merchants on both sides. About this time likewise I was informed that the Mammi, or captain of the gallies, and others, had come from the governor of Mokha to our general, to treat of peace, and to enquire what sum he demanded in satisfaction of our damages. Sir Henry, near the proportion of last year's demand, required the payment of 100,000 dollars; on which they craved a respite of sufficient time for sending to Zenan, to know the pleasure of Jaffar Pacha, after which they promised to wait upon him again. In the meantime the Darling had been preparing a small cargo of Indian cloths with which to sail for Tekoa, for which place she departed on the 19th of May. Captain Saris also prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to the same place, and sent her away on the 23rd. This day likewise, Sir Henry dismissed a ship called the Azum Khani, belonging to the sabandar of Mokha.

A general meeting was held on the 30th May, at dinner, on board the Trades-increase, to which Captain Saris and Captain Towerson were invited, for holding a conference on the farther prosecution of our business with the Turks. At noon came over from Mokha the sabandar, the mammi, and an aga, all appointed by the pacha to confer for an agreement in satisfaction of our injuries; and finding he would abate nothing in his demand of 100,000 dollars, they demanded leave to hold a conference with the nakhadas, or captains of the Indian ships, and the principal merchants, which was allowed. It seems this was for the purpose of trying what additional customs could be levied on the Indian goods, towards payment of the compensation demanded; but several of the nakhadas, in consideration of former injuries, either stayed away from the conference, or opposed the augmentation; wherefore the three Turkish officers took leave of Sir Henry, promising to give him notice of what was to be done, as soon as they had an answer from the pacha; and thus they departed again towards Mokha on the 9th June. All this time our people were employed rummaging, opening, and repacking Indian goods fit for our purpose, and giving English commodities in return for these.

The 11th June, Sir Henry, with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris with the Clove and Hector, departed from the road of Assab, carrying all the Indian ships along with them to the road of Mokha. I continued with the Pepper-corn at Assab, along with a small ship named the Jungo, redelivering all the goods I had taken out of her on the 9th and 10th of May. This being completed, I set sail along with her early in the morning of the 12th, following our admiral and the rest to Mokha, where we anchored in the afternoon of the 13th. The 19th, Sir Henry perceiving that the Turks meant nothing but delay, and were even in our sight unloading a ship of Kuts Nagone, he determined to hinder them till an agreement was made in compensation of our wrongs. Wherefore, by his orders, I warped nearer them with the Pepper-corn, and by firing several shots made them desist from their labour: Yet all this week the Turks amused [[=deceived]] us with delays, and came to no agreement.

The 26th, Sir Henry and Captain Saris convened a meeting of all the nakhadas of the Indian ships aboard the Mahmudi of Dabul, where Sir Henry, as he had done often before, recapitulated to them all the wrongs and damages sustained from the Turks, declaring his resolution on no account to permit them to have any trade with Mokha till he had received ample satisfaction; adding, that having already repaid himself for the injuries sustained in India, he must now be forced to carry them all out with him to sea, that the Turks might reap no benefit this year from the Indian trade. The Indians, seeing that by the abuses and delays of the Turks, it was likely to become an unprofitable monsoon for them, though their departure would be injurious to the Turks by loss of customs; yet rather than carry back their commodities, they desired to make a composition with our two generals, paying a sum of money among them for leave to trade. Accordingly, having no means to enforce satisfaction from the Turks without farther prejudice to the Indians, Sir Henry determined to accept their offer, still leaving the satisfaction due from the Turks to a future opportunity. To begin therefore, a composition was agreed upon with Mir Mohammed Takkey, nakhada of the Rehemi, for 15,000 dollars, she being nearly equal in value to the other four ships.

§ 4. Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there.

Composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sums in part received, Captain Saris sent away his vice-admiral, Captain Towerson, on the 6th August. The 13th Captain Saris departed, having received all the money due to him by composition from the Indian ships. Having completed all our business by the 16th, we set sail on that day with the Trades-increase and Pepper-corn, and passed through the straits of Bab-al-Mondub next day, endeavouring to steer a course for Cape Comorin on our way to Sumatra; but owing to calms and contrary winds we were long detained in the gulf between the Bab and Cape Guard-da-fui. The 12th September we saw several snakes swimming on the surface of the sea, which seldom appear in boisterous weather, and are a strong sign of approaching the coast of India. The 13th we saw more snakes, and this day had soundings from 55 fathoms diminishing to 40.

At sunrise of the 14th we descried high land, bearing E. by N. about 16 leagues distant, when we stood E. by S. till four p.m., when the nearest coast between us and the high land bore E. eight leagues off. We then directed our course south along the coast of India or Malabar, and on the 22nd at nine a.m. descried Cape Comorin. The 24th we had sight of the island of Ceylon, and next day about noon we descried Cape de Galle, the southernmost part of that island. The 30th we found much injury done to the wheat in our bread room by wet; also of our coarse dutties, or brown calicoes of Pormean, we found twenty pieces quite rotten.

The 19th October at three p.m., we anchored in the road of Tekoa,[366] where we found the Darling, which had been there ever since July in a great part of the rains, which were not yet ended, having buried before we arrived three of their merchants and three sailors. Most of their men were sick, and they had got but little pepper, and little more was to be had till next season, in April and May. The great cause of their want of trade was owing to civil wars in the country. We found here likewise the Thomas, a ship belonging to the eighth voyage, newly come from Priaman, where she had as poor success as the Darling had here. We here learnt the safe return and prosperous voyage of Captain David Middleton; also of the four ships of the ninth voyage, two of which were already arrived at Bantam; likewise that Captain Castleton had been lately here in his ship of war, and had left information of fifteen sail of Hollanders, already come or near at hand, and of two ships come for trade from New-haven in France; all which sorely damped the hopes of our tired, crossed, and decayed voyage.

The 22d, finding little to be done here, the Pepper-corn departed towards Bantam, leaving me to remain in the Trades-increase till the 16th of next month. The 2nd November all the men of any condition went away to the wars along with Rajah Bunesu, so that we could expect little trade till their return. The 20th we took on board the remains of the pepper weighed the day before, in which we found much deceit, the people having in some bags put in bags of paddy or rough rice, and in some great stones, also rotten and wet pepper into new dry sacks, yet had we no remedy.

Having got all things in and our men aboard, we prepared to depart, and about midnight of the 20th November we set sail in clear moonshine, having the wind at N.E. off shore. Notwithstanding every care and exertion to avoid the two known rocks three leagues from Tekoa, we got fast on a rock, having four fathoms water at our stern, a quarter less three on the starboard a midship, and three fathoms under the head; a ship's length off five fathoms, the same distance on the larboard bow six feet, a midship to larboard sixteen feet, under the larboard gallery twenty feet, and all round deep water within a cable's length. God in his mercy gave us a smooth sea and no wind, so that the set or motion of the ship seemed quite easy; yet the water flowed in upon us so fast that both chain-pumps with infinite labour could not in a long time command the water.

With all possible expedition we got an anchor out astern, with two-thirds of a cable, which God so blessed, that before we could heave the cable taught at the capstan, the ship of her own accord was off into deep water. This was no sooner the case but we had a gust of wind at west, which put us off about a mile from the rock, where we anchored to wait for our boat, which brought our cadge after us. When it was clear day, we could not even perceive where the rock was. A principal reason of coming to anchor, was in hopes to overcome our leaks, being exceedingly desirous to hasten to Bantam, as without absolute necessity we wished not to return to Tekoa. But after consulting together on what was best to be done, we returned to Tekoa, there to endeavour to stop our leak, which we found to be in the fashioning pieces of the stern. Accordingly, about sunset of the 21st we came to anchor there in a place well fitted for our purpose. The 22nd, 23rd, and 24th we laboured hard to land indigo, cinnamon, and other things, using every exertion to lighten the ship at the stern where the leak was, and were busily engaged till the 8th December in mending the leak and reloading our goods; which done, we set sail again from Tekoa, and arrived on the 20th at Pulo-panian.

The Pepper-corn being filled at that place, Sir Henry Middleton called a council to consult on what was best to be done, taking into consideration the injury received on the rock by the Trades-increase; when it was resolved that she must necessarily be careened or hove down, and new strengthened, before she could return home; which requiring a long time, it would not be possible for her to get home this season. It was therefore concluded to dispatch the Pepper-corn immediately for England, as some satisfaction for the adventurers till the Trades-increase could follow.

§ 5. Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England.

By the 4th of February, 1613, the Pepper-corn being laden and ready for sea, we set sail for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton behind in the Trades-increase.[367] We arrived on the 10th May in the road of Saldanha, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departed homewards; but I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eighth voyage. The Expedition had got round the Cape of Good Hope, bound towards some part of Persia, there to land Sir Robert Sherly and his Persian lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were all intending for Persia. The next day we set sail in company with the Hector and Thomas; but towards evening the Thomas was far astern, and the Hector bore away under a press of sail, so that we lost them during the night. We lingered for them till the 19th at sunrise, employed in repairing our weak and decayed sails, at which time Saldanha bore S.E. one half E. seventeen leagues.

Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoining the Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast of Wales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the winds so adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowing no long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in the morning we descried the tower of Whooke, some three leagues from us, the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o'clock a.m. we saw a small boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and it came to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to go again into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant of the port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness of the channel it might endanger our ship at anchor in winding round. At noon we got up the river as high as the passage.

I here found Mr. Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come here a-fishing; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmost diligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weak and sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr. Bonner for London with letters for the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we might be supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, very kindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave us a sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, I declined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th,[368] Captain John Burrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if I would send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away Mr. Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money.

On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford, having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prison at Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear anything that suited his purpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtained a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, whence he sent a message desiring me to send my boat ashore well manned, to fetch him and other gentlemen aboard to see my ship. But immediately on my boat coming aland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested me and my ship for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort of Dungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed to come near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, he would have put to their oaths to say what conversation passed between them and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one, nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined on oath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation against me. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratford brought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting me to meet him at the passage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and the Bishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace me in my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook.

The 23rd, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company with notice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money to supply my wants. The 25th, Mr. Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small ship from Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, which we took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sail from Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechy head, and at eight p.m. we anchored in Dover roads. The 13th we anchored in the Downs at ten a.m. near H.M.S. Assurance, saluting her with five pieces of cannon. Mr. Cocket her master came immediately aboard, and again arrested my ship till farther orders from the lord high admiral; upon which I immediately sent off Mr. Mullineux to London with letters to the company, informing them of my situation.

The 17th, Mr. Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letter from the directors, an order for the release of my ship, and Mr. Punniat, a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morning we set sail, and at six p.m. came to anchor in the road of Gerend. The 19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anchored, and at ten a.m. next day came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down Mr. Deputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up my charge.

[Footnote 347: Purch. Pilg. I. 274. Astl. I. 390.]
[Footnote 348: Although these hydrographical notices of the environs of Saldanha bay and the Cape of Good Hope are by no means perfectly accurate, probably vitiated in the abbreviation of Purchas, they distinctly shew that the bay named Saldanha by our early voyagers, was that now called Table bay: This latter is twelve or thirteen leagues from the Cape, nearly as in the text, while that now called Saldanha bay is twenty-seven leagues distant. The near neighbourhood of False bay is incontestible evidence of the fact, being only three leagues distant; while our modern Saldanha bay is more than twenty leagues from False bay as the crow flies.--E.]
[Footnote 349: It is unnecessary to repeat these circumstances, having been already related; and need only be mentioned, that the bay in Madagascar where the captain and others were betrayed, is here called Jungomar, or Vinganora, and is said to have been at the north-west corner of Madagascar. In modern maps, the bay of Vingora is placed on the west side of Madagascar, its mouth being in lat. 13° 41' S. and E. long. 49° 28'.--E.]
[Footnote 350: The Karribas islands on the coast of Zanjibar, between Cape Del Gada and Quiloa bay.--E.]
[Footnote 351: We cannot tell what to make of this remark in the text. Purchas, who has probably omitted something in the text, puts in the margin, King of Fartak, or Canacaym; which does not in the least elucidate the obscurity, unless we suppose Canacaym an error for Carasem, the same with Kassin, or rather Kushem, to which Fartak now belongs.--Astl. I. 395. b.]
[Footnote 352: In Purchas named Abba del Curia, by some called Abdel Curia: Perhaps its name ought to be Abdal Kuria, or Adal Kuri, as written by Captain Hamilton.--Astl. I. 395. c.]
[Footnote 353: Abyssinia, as Downton always names this north-east coast of Africa, but which ought rather to be called the coast of Adel or Zeyla, Abyssinia being, properly speaking, confined to the interior mountainous country at the head of the Nile. The south-west coast of the Red Sea indeed, from Swaken south-east to the Straits of Bab-al-Mondub, is generally called the coast of Habash, or Abyssinia, although its ports are all occupied by Turks or Arabs.--E.]
[Footnote 354: The latitude of Aden is in 12° 45' N. and its longitude nearly 45° E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 355: Mir is a contraction of Amir or Emir, much used by the Persians. From Amir comes our Admiral, first used by the Europeans during the crusades.--Astl. I. 396. c.
The origin of Admiral is probably from Amir-al-bahr, lord of the sea, or sea-commander; corrupted in Spanish into Almirante, and changed in French and English into Admiral.--E.]
[Footnote 356: Probably Turks, distinguished from the half-naked Arabs by their dress.--E.]
[Footnote 357: The incidents that happened at Mokha having been already related in the preceding section, we here omit a long account of them by Downton.--E.]
[Footnote 358: Probably a typographical error for Kaha, called Cahya in the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, and meaning the Kiahya.--E.]
[Footnote 359: Badwis, or Bedouins; the nomadic Mahometan tribes on the African coast of the Red Sea, are here meant--E.]
[Footnote 360: The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton in the preceding section, giving a sufficiently ample account of the incidents in the voyage, till the return of the ships to Mokha, it has not been thought necessary to continue the relation of Downton so far as regards the intermediate transactions, for which we refer to the account of the voyage already given by Sir Henry Middleton. But as his narrative breaks off abruptly soon after the return to the Red Sea, we resume that of Downton in the subsequent subdivisions.--E.]
[Footnote 361: Perhaps rather Ibrahim Abu Zeynda, or Sinda.--Astl. I. 421. b.]
[Footnote 362: Probably turmeric.--E.]
[Footnote 363: In Purchas called Abdraheman; perhaps the name was Abd Arrahman.--Astl. I. 421. c.]
[Footnote 364: According to the editor of Astley's Collection, I. 421. d. Kuts Nagone is a place in the peninsula of Guzerat, not far from the western cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no such places are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only name similar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whence Kuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur.--E.]
[Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, the most north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinde river.--E.]
[Footnote 366: Tekoa, Ticu, or Ticoo, is a port on the south-west coast of Sumatra, almost under the equator.--E.]
[Footnote 367: Sir Henry died on the 24th of May following at Machian, as was thought of grief, of which an account will be found in the journals of Floris and Saris.--Astl. I. 427. a.]
[Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is some inexplicable error in the dates of the text.--E.]


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