26. PASSION FOR UNITY
The Kheda campaign was
launched while the deadly war in Europe was still going on. Now a crisis
had arrived, and the Viceroy had invited various leaders to a war conference
in Delhi. I had also been urged to attend the conference. I have already
referred to the cordial relations between Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy,
In response to the invitation
I went to Delhi. I had, however, objections to taking part in the conference,
the principal one being the exclusion from it of leaders like the Ali Brothers.
They were then in jail. I had met them only once or twice, though I had
heard much about them. Everyone had spoken highly of their services and
their courage. I had not then come in close touch with Hakim Saheb, but
Principal Rudra and Dinabandhu Andrews had told me a [great] deal in his
praise. I had met Mr. Shuaib Qureshi and Mr. Khwaja at the Muslim League
in Calcutta. I had also come in contact with Drs. Ansari and Abdur Rahman.
I was seeking the friendship of good Musalmans, and was eager to understand
the Musalman mind through contact with their purest and most patriotic
representatives. I therefore never needed any pressure to go with them,
wherever they took me, in order to get into intimate touch with them.
I had realized early enough
in South Africa that there was no genuine friendship between the Hindus
and the Musalmans. I never missed a single opportunity to remove obstacles
in the way of unity. It was not in my nature to placate anyone by adulation,
or at the cost of self-respect. But my South African experiences had convinced
me that it would be on the question of Hindu-Muslim unity that my Ahimsa
would be put to its severest test, and that the question presented the
widest field for my experiments in Ahimsa. The conviction is still there.
Every moment of my life I realize that God is putting me on my trial.
Having such strong convictions
on the question when I returned from South Africa, I prized the contact
with the Brothers. But before closer touch could be established, they were
isolated. Maulana Mahomad Ali used to write long letters to me from Betul
and Chhindwada whenever his jailers allowed him to do so. I applied for
permission to visit the Brothers, but to no purpose.
It was after the imprisonment
of the Ali Brothers that I was invited by Muslim friends to attend the
session of the Muslim League at Calcutta. Being requested to speak, I addressed
them on the duty of the Muslims to secure the Brothers' release. A little
while after this I was taken by these friends to the Muslim College at
Aligarh. There I invited the young men to be fakirs for the service of
Next I opened correspondence
with the Government for the release of the Brothers. In that connection
I studied the Brothers' views and activities about the Khilafat. I had
discussions with Musalman friends. I felt that if I would become a true
friend of the Muslims, I must render all possible help in securing the
release of the Brothers, and a just settlement of the Khilafat question.
It was not for me to enter into the absolute merits of the question, provided
there was nothing immoral in their demands. In matters of religion beliefs
differ, and each one's is supreme for himself. If all had the same belief
about all matters of religion, there would be only one religion in the
world. As time progressed I found that the Muslim demand about the Khilafat
was not only not against any ethical principle, but that the British Prime
Minister had admitted the justice of the Muslim demand. I felt, therefore,
bound to render what help I could in securing a due fulfilment of the Prime
Minister's pledge. The pledge had been given in such clear terms that the
examination of the Muslim demand on the merits was needed only to satisfy
my own conscience.
Friends and critics have criticised
my attitude regarding the Khilafat question. In spite of the criticism,
I feel that I have no reason to revise it or to regret my co-operation
with the Muslims. I should adopt the same attitude, should a similar occasion
When, therefore, I went to Delhi,
I had fully intended to submit the Muslim case to the Viceroy. The Khilafat
question had not then assumed the shape it did subsequently.
But on my reaching Delhi another
difficulty in the way of my attending the conference arose. Dinabandhu
Andrews raised a question about the morality of my participation in the
war conference. He told me of the controversy in the British press regarding
secret treaties between England and Italy. How could I participate in the
conference, if England had entered into secret treaties with another European
power? asked Mr. Andrews. I knew nothing of the treaties. Dinabandhu Andrews'
word was enough for me. I therefore addressed a letter to Lord Chelmsford
explaining my hesitation to take part in the conference. He invited me
to discuss the question with him. I had a prolonged discussion with him
and his Private Secretary, Mr. Maffey. As a result I agreed to take part
in the conference. This was in effect the Viceroy's argument: 'Surely you
do not believe that the Viceroy knows everything done by the British Cabinet.
I do not claim, no one claims, that the British Government is infallible.
But if you agree that the Empire has been , on the whole, a power for good,
if you believe that India has, on the whole, benefited by the British connection,
would you not admit that it is the duty of every Indian citizen to help
the Empire in the hour of its need? I too have read what the British papers
say about the secret treaties. I can assure you that I know nothing beyond
what the papers say, and you know the canards that these papers frequently
start. Can you, acting on mere newspaper report, refuse help to the Empire
at such a critical juncture? You may raise whatever moral issues you like
and challenge us as much as you please after the conclusion of the war,
The argument was not new. It
appealed to me as new because of the manner in which, and the hour at which,
it was presented, and I agreed to attend the conference. As regards the
Muslim demands, I was to address a letter to the Viceroy.