Steeped in history but striding
forward
(The Financial Times, Apr. 8,
2006)
In 1926, Aldous Huxley reported that Shanghai
was "life itself - dense, rank, richly clotted". Today, the adjectives
- also once used for Cairo, Damascus, Bombay, Calcutta and Benares - evoke
not so much a place as the prejudices and fears of the straw-hatted European
traveller in the pre-war years - someone fastidiously upholding the aesthetic
norms of his bourgeois civilisation that, unbeknown to him, was soon to
go up in flames.
To such a traveller, defying the heat and
dust in his white suit, the first sight of Shanghai's waterfront, the Bund,
dominated by the customs house clock tower and the HSBC dome, or of Bombay
heralded by the Gateway of India, was usually reassuring. Here, in the
heart of the bewildering Orient, was something he could hold on to.
To be an Indian in Shanghai is to know a similar
sensation of familiarity, if tinged with unease. It is also to be inevitably
reminded of Bombay, the city most complicit with Shanghai in 19th-century
inequity. Both port cities began to flourish after the British bullied
China into opening up its markets to India-grown opium. The political and
economic networks of British imperialism created a native class of comprador
traders in the two cities, attracted to them a cosmopolitan cast of businessmen
and adventurers and set them apart from their vast, steadily impoverished
hinterlands.
During a recent stay I often gazed upon the
Bund from a stylish new hotel in the Pudong. The architecture before me
was more eclectic than that in colonial Bombay. It was also more pompous.
But then the British abroad were always prone to self-aggrandisement in
stone and their European rivals, trying hard to keep up, conjured even
greater fantasies of grandeur.
The imposing solidity was once meant to awe
the natives into obsequiousness. But things had changed dramatically in
the last half century. The natives now not only "swarmed", as the European
traveller might have said, in the buildings on the Bund, they had also
erected their own grand monuments on the once-desolate mud flats of the
Pudong. Still, as in Bombay, it was hard to appreciate the architecture,
colonial as well as post-colonial, for its own sake. I couldn't rid myself
of the feeling that what I saw was a façade and that behind it lay
another country and a history that still shaped, in significant ways, the
present.
In 1921, Gandhi claimed that Bombay's big
buildings hid "squalid poverty and dirt". He was referring to the dubious
sources of the city's wealth. But it wasn't just the trade in contraband
goods but a kind of institutionalized brutality and callousness that underpinned
daily life in both cities. As Shanghai's great chronicler Lynn Pann describes
it, in 1935 alone, the municipal corporation in Shanghai collected more
than 5,000 corpses of poor people from the pavements of the International
Settlement.
The British claim to represent civilised western
values in India somewhat limited the potential for exploitation in Bombay
and the deaths by starvation. But no such commitment to civilisation was
deemed necessary in Shanghai, where modern capitalism assumed its most
rapacious forms, and where an axis of gangsters, politicians and foreign
businessmen effectively ruled the city until the communist takeover in
1949. Bombay had its sadistic police officers but there were more of them
in Shanghai, where Sikh policemen imported from India were always ready
to fire upon unruly Chinese.
Chinese and Indian thinkers and activists
in the early 20th century could see that their richest and most glamorous
cities were incompatible with nationalist pride. In 1921, while exhorting
Indians to economic self-sufficiency and a ban on foreign imports, Gandhi
asked Bombay to be "ready to lose what she has". The same year the Communist
party of China was born in Shanghai and began to feed upon the rage and
frustration of the labouring poor and the anti-imperialism of the enlightened
middle class. Not surprisingly, development on the socialist model, and
the eradication of poverty in the countryside, preoccupied the post-colonial
elites of India and China.
Consequently, both Shanghai and Bombay lost
much of their power and prestige to inland, bureaucratic cities such as
Beijing and Delhi, and had to wait many decades for the ideological moment
when the creation of wealth in the cities was deemed more important than
the removal of poverty. In recent years, a new form of globalisation, in
which India and China are no longer subject countries but players on an
apparently levelled field, has revived both Bombay and Shanghai. Originally
created by global capitalism, neither metropolis has needed to undergo
the brutal and traumatic modernisation suffered recently by such cities
as Beijing, Xian, Bangalore and Delhi. However, the national experience
of the past half century has given a markedly different character to the
two cities once bound by empire.
In previous decades, historical amnesia and
real-estate sharks helped destroy many of Bombay's fine old buildings.
Shanghai, on the other hand, was a beneficiary of the odd communist feeling
for the past that also preserved Prague and helped rebuild Warsaw. Many
of its European-era buildings have survived. Wearing the distinguished
mantle of old age and decay, they now face their greatest danger from developers
wishing to fill their grand spaces with the sterile sparkle of shopping
malls.
In post-Mao China, Shanghai quickly regained
its role as the engine of Chinese modernity. It took an early lead in this
regard over Bombay, India's window on the west. Visiting the city in 1983,
soon after Deng Xiaoping launched his economic reforms, Jan Morris complained
of inefficiency, drabness and a general aesthetic collapse. Nothing was
further from my own experience this autumn with hotels, restaurants, taxis,
public parks, and museums in Shanghai, which make the power and wealth
of the new Chinese civilisation appear an undeniable reality.
Jinmao Tower looms gracefully on the Pudong
and already seems to possess the solidity and iconic status of the Rockefeller
Center in New York. The shiny cathedrals of consumerism on Nanjing and
Huaihai Road, and the boutiques and cafés of Xintiandi persuade
more quickly than the shopping malls of suburban Bombay that they are here
to stay. Shanghai's film studios produce cinema of arguably greater quality
than those of Bollywood. New art galleries and nightclubs open almost every
week. Modern Shanghai has its own trendy writers, if not of the stature
of Lu Xun, Mao Dun and Eileen Chang, and they prefer to explore the fresh
possibilities of individual freedom - sex, drugs and rock music - available
in the metropolis rather than recount a painful recent history of arbitrariness
and destitution in the countryside.
The two cities also deal differently with
their hinterlands. Bombay has many empowered ethnic and religious xenophobes,
often supported by its affluent classes, but they cannot keep at bay the
destitute and hopeful immigrants from the rest of India. Together they
contribute to the squalor of the city, which is as obvious now as it was
during Gandhi's time, although it also speaks of a messily democratic country
where slum-dwellers form a sizeable electoral base no politician dares
lose. In a throwback to Shanghai in the 1930s, a kind of mafia capitalism
still flourishes in Bombay. Gangsters, politicians and businessmen together
rule the city. In the recent past, their in-fighting has plunged large
neighbourhoods into violence.
Shanghai, on the other hand, seems more orderly
and remarkably free of poor people. One day on the Bund I found a beggar
- the only one I saw in several walks around the city - and he was so melodramatically
seedy that I half-wondered if he had been put there by the tourist board
as a reminder of the city's sordid imperial past.
The neon lights of Pudong skyscrapers throb
luridly at night, making the "peaceful rise" of China appear, apart from
everything else, an occasion for lovers of kitsch. But things are not so
peaceful behind the glittering surfaces. The soil is subsiding in newly
built-up Pudong; chemical poisons contaminate river waters elsewhere in
China; and aggrieved peasants hold hundreds of demonstrations every week.
None of this seems to worry the hundreds of
thousands of Chinese cheerfully moving through the shopping malls and the
waterfront park in Shanghai. One feels in these great crowds, overwhelming
even to an Indian, not so much life itself, dense, rank or clotting, as
the poignancy of the desires of the Chinese people for a better life. It
is always a shock to remember the immense suffering China has known in
the previous century and it seems petty to begrudge the Chinese shoppers
a bit of consumerist self-indulgence.
But, watching the old waterfront, or the lights
of Pudong from the terrace at M on the Bund, you still feel the presence
of an even greater and much more restless Chinese mass in the inscrutable
countryside, cruelly shut out from the new urban prosperity their labour
and taxes have contributed so much to. It is hard not to wonder if it is
always true, in unfree and free nations alike, that, as Walter Benjamin
put it, every step towards civilisation is also a step towards barbarism.