U8216 Microeconomics and Policy Analysis
Fall 2000
Group Project 4
Life is not easy in the Buchanan
administration. No
sooner had Chief of Staff Candace Gingrich and Attorney General
Johnie Cochran figured out how to protect the United States from
the possible ill intentions of Luxembourg than a new problem was
dumped on their laps.
To quote Ms Gingrich, “We’ve just learned that one of
the files from RJ Reynolds shows that in 1939 they had discovered
a clear causal link between smoking and cancer, and that they
suppressed this evidence for fifty years. There are memos indicating attempts to manipulate nicotine
levels to keep smokers addicted.
It looks like they don’t have much chance in court.
“Big deal. That’s
their problem,” you say. You’re
beginning to wonder why Candace had asked to meet with a
fairness-and-equity expert like you.
“It’s not that simple.
Millions of people now have legitimate claims against RJ
Reynolds: smokers currently suffering from cancer, families of
smokers who died of cancer, people who developed problems from
second-hand smoke, insurance companies, hospitals that provided
uncompensated care, cats and dogs deprived of human service.
Even more people have illegitimate and phony claims.
Not to mention the claims of states that were dealt with a
few years ago. All
these claims add up to billions and billions of dollars.
But RJ Reynolds doesn’t have billions and billions of
dollars worth of assets — they simply don’t have enough to pay
even all the legitimate claims.
Remember Johns-Manville and Dalkon Shield.
They were messes: the companies declared bankruptcy, there
was little rhyme or reason to which claimant got what, and lawyers
got very rich. Pat
said he doesn’t want a repeat.”
“Is he adamant?”
“No, but you’d have to make a very strong case to get
him to change his mind.”
“Aren’t there any other resources we can use to
compensate the victims?”
“I don’t know; you tell me.
I’ve heard a bunch of ideas but I don’t know which ones
are good. For
instance
“·
Maybe the tobacco farmers could be made to pay something;
maybe the owners of land on which tobacco could be grown.
“·
Maybe social security should pay: the system gained because
of the early deaths of smokers.
I guess that would mean current recipients and heirs of
past recipients, since the system had more money than it would
have had. Or maybe it
means past taxpayers, since if smokers hadn’t been dying so fast
they would have to pay more money to keep recipients’ payments
the same.
“·
Maybe private pension funds, too.
“·
Then there are people who got promoted more quickly because
people ahead of them in the hierarchy died, and the general gain
to workers because of reduced labor supply.
(But if you take this seriously, I think you’ll have to
add capitalists to your list of claimants since they could have
been adversely affected by the higher wages.)
“·
What about going after the assets of Duke University, or
alumni of Duke University?
“·
Maybe there should be action against the executives of RJ
Reynolds and the shareholders.
The executives’ wealth amounts only to a few million
unless you go very far down the hierarchy; I wouldn’t know how
far down to go. As
for the shareholders — would it be possible or desirable to
pierce the corporate veil and go after their assets?
If so, which shareholders — just the current or past ones
too? What about
people who held mutual funds that included RJ Reynolds stock, and
people in pension systems that held this stock?
What about people who made money on options (and tobacco
futures) — including people who held short positions when the
latest news became public?”
“Gosh, that’s a lot of issues, Ms Gingrich.
Is that what you want us to work on?”
“In part, but that’s not what I want you to really
concentrate on. I
don’t think that any way you feasibly do it there will be enough
money to satisfy all the claims.
Remember we need both good arguments and political
consensus to get money out of people. So your main job is to figure out how to divide whatever
assets there are among the claimants and potential claimants. Think of yourself as some sort of mediator among the
claimants. Whatever
scheme you come up with has to be fair and equitable so that
it’s a focal point for groups to agree on and so Congress and
the courts will go along. Otherwise
there’ll be a crazy scramble and we’re back to Johns-Manville
and Dalkon Shield, only worse.”
“What should we think about?”
“Don’t you know by now?
What sort of claims to recognize, what sort of proof to
require, whether to use Aristotle or Rashi or Maimonides or some
variant of any of them? One
other big question is allocating responsibility among companies.
I’m sure the other companies will be in the same boat as
RJ Reynolds and go bankrupt too.
But they’ll go bankrupt at different ratios of claims to
assets. Should we
just roll all the assets and claims together, since it seems
difficult to prove who smoked which brand how long?
Or should we maintain some modicum of individual
responsibility? And
you know I’m concerned about efficiency too: we don’t want to
destroy socially productive enterprises just because of bad
history that’s already in the past, or create disincentives from
working, or cause a lot of litigation.
And I don’t want to create any incentives to smoke or
take drugs if we don’t have to.”
“Anything else?”
“Yeah. Some
people have been saying that certain groups should get precedence
in the distribution of compensation — people who have had bad
breaks or unfair treatment in other spheres of life.
A number of groups have been mentioned: Native Americans,
veterans, people with low draft numbers in the Vietnam War even if
they aren’t veterans, gays and lesbians who would have been
veterans if they could have served in the armed services, disabled
people, African-Americans; women; lefties; people who voted for
Bill Clinton since they don’t have the president they want;
people who almost got into Ivy League schools but didn’t; heirs
of people who were eligible for kidney and liver transplants but
died before donors became available; heirs of people who donated
organs; Japanese-American internees and their descendants; and
poor people. We need
some advice about this issue, too.”
Just then the Attorney General entered the room.
“Come back here and make it fair,” he said. |