The Real Voice of Adam Smith Michael Hauben An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of The Wealth of Nations focuses on the wealth of nations; which is the fund the "annual labour of every nation" produces. (Modern Library, 1965, p. ivii) From the very introduction of The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith concentrates on the laborer, the person who's labor constitutes the wealth of the nation. A common thread throughout the book that has received very little emphasis is Smith's empathy for the common worker. Smith believes that there should be a fair relationship between employers and workers. The interests of society are Adam Smith's interests. Smith's empathy for the common laborer stream from the interests of society. In Book I, Chapter XI, Smith equates the interests "of those who live by wages" with "the interest of the society." (249) However the "interest of this third order," which is "those who live by profit," or manufacturers, "has not the same connection with the general interest of the society" as do the workers or landowners. (250) Smith explains these differences by writing "As their thoughts, however, are commonly exercised rather about the interest of their own particular branch of business, than about that of the society." (250) Interests that sway from those of society's, often hurt society. Smith writes: It comes from an order of men, whose interest is never exactly the same with that of the public, who have generally an interest to deceive and even to oppress the public, and who accordingly have, upon many occa- sions, both deceived and oppressed it. (250) Smith is critical of this deception and oppression. Smith equates a well-governed society as one where the whole of the people gain from the society's production. In the beginning of Book I, Adam Smith writes: It is the great multiplication of productions of all the different arts, in consequence of the division of labour, which occasions, in a well-governed society, that universal opulence which extends itself to the lowest ranks of the people. (11) This differentiates from when only the manufacturers or certain classes of society gain from society's production. A society's improvement as a whole is linked to "what improves the circumstances of the greater part" of society. (78) Smith states that "servants, labourers, and workmen of different kinds" (78) make up the greater part of every political society. He finishes this sentiment by writing, "No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members are poor and miserable." (78) His statements point out that high earnings of labor are an advantage to society. The attempts the manufacturing class use for their advantage, in total disregard of the workers, hurts the society since the wealth of society is made up of the production from the great collection of individuals who are the workers. In the striving for employer's "personal" gain, the individual workers are hurt and thus society is hurt. Adam Smith is thus against inflated profits which the manufacturing class always seek. He is vehemently opposed to the opportunities allowed to monopolies. Smith writes: The monopolists, by keeping the market constantly understocked, by never fully supplying the effectual demand, sell their commodities much above the natural price, and raise their emoluments, whether they consist in wages or profit, greatly above their natural rate. (61) In the search for greater and greater profits, companies neglect or purposely attempt to keep wages down and raise prices so as to collect higher and higher profits. Smith reports this in the following: People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings, by any law which either could be execut- ed, or would be consistent with liberty and justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to facilitate such assemblies; much less to render then necessary. (128) When the manufacturer's interest is for the highest profits, the worker is the first to be affected by this policy. Among the first place a manufacturer can gain is by increasing the percentage of income that goes to profit while lowering the percent that goes to the worker as wages. Smith explains this conflict: What are the common wages of labour, depends every where upon the contract usually made between those two parties, whose interests are by no means the same. The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in order to lower the wages of labour. (66) The manufacturer is frustrated by the worker's contradictory role. On the one hand, the worker's labor is integral to production. On the other hand, the worker's wages represent a drain or reduction in profit. The crucial contradiction lies in the wellbeing of the worker. While being contrary to the wants of the employer, the worker must be able to live and support a family to continue able production for his employer. Adam Smith writes: A man must always live by his work, and his wages must at least be sufficient to maintain him. They must even upon occasions be somewhat more; otherwise it would be impossible for him to bring up a family, and the race of such workmen could not last beyond the first genera- tion. (67) It is thus in the best interest of the employer to keep their workers well paid in order to keep production high. Smith goes on to write: The liberal reward of labour, as it encourages the propagation so it increases the industry of the common people. The wages of labour are the encouragement of industry, which, like every other human quality, im- proves in proportion to the encouragement it receives. (81) In this case high wages keep productivity which leads to higher profits for companies: A plentiful subsistence increases the bodily strength of the labourer, and the comfortable hope of bettering his condition, and of ending his days perhaps in ease and plenty, animates him to exert that strength to the utmost. (81) Smith explains that high wages are a common interest of both workers and manufacturers in that productivity is direct affected by the wage rate: Where wages are high, accordingly, we shall always find the workmen more active, diligent, and expeditious, than where they are low; (81) Often the manufacturer's reliance on the workers restrains some otherwise tempting activity. He writes: The pretence that corporations are necessary for the better government of the trade, is without any founda- tion. . . . It is the fear of losing their [workmen] employment which restrains his frauds and corrects his negligence. (129) Adam Smith talks about the use of laws and regulations. While the common belief is that Adam Smith is against such measures he comes out in favor of laws in favor of workers. He writes: Whenever the legislative attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters. When the regula- tion, therefore, is in the favor of the workmen, it is always just and equitable; but it sometime is otherwise when in favor of the masters. (142) Much is made of the "father of deregulation." Adam Smith has been designated such by many in the field of economics. His connection takes on a mythical role. These connections are taken for granted, and perhaps, like mythical legends are not always true. Adam Smith's beliefs have been stereotyped so when someone says "individuality" or "deregulation", we are supposed to think "Adam Smith." The actual reading of Smith's books must be a curiosity because he constantly winds up supporting the rights of workers and seeking a fair relationship between employers and workers. While Smith is connected to "laissez faire" economics, throughout The Wealth of Nations, there is a strong sentiment that society is better off when the common worker is treated good. ----------