The Amateur
Computerist
Spring 2009 Netizens and New Forms of Journalism Volume 17 No. 1
Homo Neticus not Homo
Economicus
The occasion for this issue is a panel that was
part of the Ninth Annual Conference of the Associa-
tion of Internet Researchers which took place in
Copenhagen, Denmark from October 15 to 18, 2008.
This issue of the Amateur Computerist documents the
presentations made at that panel, “The Internet,
Netizens, and Journalism: Do Netizens Make Possible
New Forms of Journalism?”
Besides contributions from each of the panelists,
the issue includes reports about the panel in an online
newspaper and a blog. Also we include an interview
of Ronda Hauben by Guenter Hack, the editor of
Radio Austria International website site for technical
computer users, about the publication of the book
Netizens. Ronda also was honored to be one of those
nominated for the Ada Lovelace award for women in
technology. The nomination article is included as
well.
Along with the presentations on netizen journal-
ism in China and South Korea made as part of the
panel, was Ulla Rannikko’s presentation on citizen
journalism, and Anders Ekeland’s presentation on
participatory technical design. In his presentation,
Table of Contents
Editorial. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 1
Internet, Netizens, and Journalism. . . . . . . . . . . . Page 1
Candlelight 2008. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 2
China: Netizen Impact.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 7
Citizen Journalism Organizational Context. . . . . Page 11
Democratizing Innovation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 15
Report on IR9.0 Netizen Session. . . . . . . . . . . . Page 21
Report from Copenhagen IR9.0. . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 23
One Decade of the Net Citizen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 26
Honoring Ronda Hauben. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 31
Ekeland introduced the concept of homo neticus as
the alternative to the more traditional economic
concept of homo economicus. While homo
economicus is traditionally the paradigm of the
egoistic, short sighted economic individual, homo
neticus presents the world with the active, innovative,
collaborative alternative of the netizen
[The following Abstract describes the panel that was
presented at the 9th Annual Conference of the Associ-
ation of Internet Researchers. The titles of the four
papers and the biographies of the four presenters
follow the Abstract.]
The Internet, Netizens,
and Journalism: Do Netizens
Make Possible New Forms
of Journalism?
Abstract
In his pioneering research about the impact of the
Internet, Michael Hauben recognized that the partici-
patory nature of the Net made possible a new form of
citizenship, a non geographic form. He called the
people who were developing this new form of citizen-
ship, netizens.
1
What would be the impact of this new phenome-
non? Hauben investigated several areas where the
impact of this phenomenon was particularly striking.
One of these areas was journalism. What impact
would this new form of non geographic citizenship,
would netizens have on the news media? Would
netizens make possible a new form of journalism?
The Net “gives the power of the reporter to the
Netizen” Hauben wrote.
2
Webpage: http://www.ais.org/~jrh/acn/
Page 1
The papers in this panel explored what the nature
of this power is. One paper considered the long
desired goal of the press to act as a watchdog to
challenge the abuse of power. Are netizens making
such a press possible? Another paper looked at events
in China where netizen online activity has led to
changes in media practice and government policy.
The paper explored whether the Internet and netizens
are helping to expose social and political problems in
China and helping to clarify what is needed for their
solution.
Another paper looked at the participatory nature
of the Internet through the perspective of the South
Korean OhmyNews International (this is the English
edition of the Korean OhmyNews) and Indymedia in
Finland. The paper addressed, by examining citizen
reporters’ practices, the possibilities and constraints
of participation online. While the participatory nature
of the Net makes possible these experiments in the
field of journalism, it also facilitates other forms of
interactive exploration. A paper in our panel explored
how interactive participation impacts economic
development, especially in the field of innovative
design.
The panel discussed internet related develop-
ments in four countries. The panel focused on how the
concept and role of netizens and the Internet are
contributing to a different more participatory model
of democracy. It raised the question of how this
crosses national boundaries and geographic limita-
tions.
Titles and Brief Biographies
1. Netizen Journalism as Watchdog Journalism (Ronda Hauben)
Ronda Hauben, is co-author of Netizens: On the History and
Impact of Usenet and the Internet, IEEE Computer Society, Los
Alamitos, CA, 1997. She is a researcher and writer. Currently
she is a featured writer for OhmyNews International and is a
correspondent covering the U.N.
2. China: Netizen impact on Government Policy and Media
Practice (Jay Hauben)
Jay Hauben is an internet historian and editor of the Amateur
Computerist. His published writings include biographies and
historical articles especially about the Internet and communica-
tions technology. He has worked for the last 14 years in the
Libraries of Columbia University.
3. The Relation Between Citizen Journalism and Its Organiza-
tional Context: The Cases of Indymedia in Finland and
OhmyNews International
(Ulla Rannikko)
Ulla Rannikko is a PhD candidate in Media and Communications
at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Her
research interests include alternative media, journalism, social
aspects of the Internet and media activism.
4. Democratizing Innovation through the Internet? (Anders
Ekeland)
Anders Ekeland, Economist from University of Oslo, also
studied Computer Science, History and Czech Language. As the
head of the department for innovation indicators and statistics at
The Norwegian Institute for Studies in Innovation, Research and
Education (NIFU STTEP), Ekeland has done research on
innovation in various fields, especially ICT related. His research
includes evaluation of Norwegian Broadband policy, use of
Internet in political parties and issues related to semantic Web.
Notes:
1. See for example, Michael Hauben and Ronda Hauben,
Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and the Internet,
IEEE Computer Society, Los Alamitos, CA, 1997 and online:
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/netbook
2. Michael Hauben, “The Effect of the Net on the Professional
News Media,” in Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet
and the Internet, and online at:
http://www.columbia.edu/~rh120/ch106.x13
[This is a slightly edited version of a talk given in
Copenhagen on Oct 17, 2008 at the 9
th
annual confer-
ence of the Association of Internet Researchers (The
tag for the conference is IR9)]
Candlelight 2008 and the
15
th
Anniversary of
‘The Net and Netizens’
by Ronda Hauben
This year, 2008 is the 15
th
anniversary of the
publication of “The Net and Netizens” by Michael
Hauben on the Internet in the summer of 1993.
Michael posted this paper in four parts because it was
fairly long. It was based on research he had done
about the Internet by asking people questions about
how they were using the Net in that period of the
early 1990s. Also at the time there was some use of
the term net.citizen on the net. Michael contracted the
term net.citizen into the term netizen. Based on the
responses and his analysis of them, Michael wrote a
paper defining what he called the netizen.
Page 2
His paper was spread around the Net by the
Usenet software network and by people forwarding it
to each other via e-mail. People embraced the concept
of netizen to describe the social and political phenom-
enon that Michael had identified in his paper. To be
a netizen is not a passive identity. Rather a netizen is
an active participant in the affairs of the Net and
ultimately of the world.
Often when people online were acting in a
manner socially empowered by the Net, they would
call themselves netizens.
1
Identifying as a netizen has
become an identity some people have embraced. They
consider themselves to be netizens.
In a recent book,
2
netizen is described as a
political concept. The impression is given that the
concept showed up on the net more or less spontane-
ously. That is not accurate. Before Michael’s work,
the word netizen was rarely, if ever used. After his
paper “The Net and Netizens” circulated widely, the
use of the concept netizen became increasingly
common. It was a whole process of research, of
summarizing the research and analyzing it, and then
putting the research back online and people embrac-
ing it. This was the process by which the foundation
for the concept of a netizen identity was first estab-
lished on the Internet in the early and mid 1990s.
The early 1990s was also a time when the privat-
ization of the Internet was being actively promoted by
commercial interests and U.S. government officials.
Spreading the consciousness of oneself as a netizen
became part of the fight defending the public essence
of the Net from the attack by commercial interests.
The result was that an understanding of the origin and
development of the concept of netizens has in various
ways been suppressed by those forces who wanted to
promote the commercial domination of the Internet.
3
In The Net and Netizens,” Michael wrote that
the Net represents a significant new development.
“We are seeing a revitalization of society,” he ex-
plained. “The frameworks are being redesigned from
the bottom up. A new, more democratic world is
becoming possible.” This new world had a number of
characteristics that he outlined. He described a situa-
tion where “the old model of distribution of informa-
tion from the central Network Broadcasting Company
is being questioned and challenged. The top-down
model of information being distributed by a few for
mass consumption is no longer the only news.”
4
Michael explained how “people now have the
ability to broadcast their observations or questions
around the world and have other people respond.”
The computer networks, he wrote, “form a new
grassroots connection that allows excluded sections of
society to have a voice. This new medium is unprece-
dented. Previous grassroots media have existed for
much smaller groups of people….”
The Net, Michael argued, was providing netizens
with the ability to create the content and to set the
agenda for what is to be discussed. Thus netizens had
the power to not only determine the content for
discussion forums but also to design the forms that
online discussions take.
Michael wrote elsewhere that in its simplest form
this characterizes democracy, making ‘The Net and
Netizens’ a significant model for a democratic soci-
ety. It is not elections that is the essence of democ-
racy, where certain candidates are put forward once
every 4 or 5 years so you can vote for them. But
democracy is where you can be active participating
and where what you say has some effect on what
happens. The netizen is a participant in this continu-
ous exercise of democracy. That is what I understand
to be more appropriately considered a model of
democracy.
Another one of the earliest pieces Michael wrote
was looking at an article James Mill, who was the
father of John Stuart Mill, wrote in 1825 about
Freedom of the Press. Mill wrote that government
officials are going to be corrupt. They can not help it
because they are put in a situation where they have
power. Therefore a means is needed to monitor the
actions of those with power. Mill argued that society
needs a press that is a watchdog. The Net, Michael
wrote, makes such a watchdog possible now.
Remember that “The Net and Netizens” was first
posted online in 1993. The conceptual understanding
it proposed when the article was posted was some-
thing new. The question to be raised is how much of
this is possible to fulfill? How accurate was what
Michael understood of the potential of the Net and of
the netizen to make a more democratic world possi-
ble?
I want to come back to our current times. What is
happening now?
I have found that it is very important to follow
South Korea if one is interested in the development of
the netizen.
In 2003 I read an article in the Financial Times
that said that the new South Korean President had
been elected by netizens.
Page 3
What happened was that in 2002, netizens in
South Korea made it possible to elect as the president
someone from outside of the mainstream political
establishment. Roh Moo-hyun was elected for a five
year term as the President of South Korea.
In 2004 the National Assembly tried to impeach
him and netizens again took up the fight this time
against the impeachment. One of the means of fight-
ing for democracy in South Korea are candlelight
demonstrations. An activist in South Korea told us
that they had taken inspiration from the candlelight
demonstrations in Leipzig, Germany that helped to
reunite Germany.
In 2008, there were over 100 days of candlelight
demonstrations in South Korea, which started on May
2.
On May 2, 2008 I was in Seoul. I left on May 3.
(I had been in South Korea for 9 days). On May 2, a
new set of candlelight demonstrations began.
I did not go to the demonstration on May 2. But
I do have a sense what was happening at the time
from talking to people I know while in South Korea
in April and early May. It was obvious that something
was going to happen, just not when. And so I was not
surprised. But I think what did happen is very impor-
tant and if you look at this poster what you see is
Candlelight Girl and her army.
The first candlelight demonstration on May 2 was
called by middle school girls and high school students
using their cell phones and a fan website on the
Internet to announce that there was going to be a
candlelight demonstration.
The demonstration was part of an effort to
impeach the new president of South Korea, Lee
Myung-bak who had won the election in December
2007. (Internet posts about the election by netizens
had been the object of censorship by the South Ko-
rean government from June - December 2007.) In
April 2008, Lee Myung-bak, came to the U.S. and
signed an agreement with George Bush to give the
beef lobby in the U.S. Congress what they wanted.
The agreement ended the former restrictions on the
export of U.S. beef to South Korea. It eliminated the
regulations that existed to provide precautions with
regard to the danger of mad cow disease or other
worries about unhealthy beef. Virtually all the restric-
tions were to be removed.
There were articles and a TV investigation
program about this development in the news in Korea.
Middle school and high school students who were
already upset about the quality of the school lunches
they get, felt this was only going to add to their
problem of poor quality food in school. Also there
was already an impeachment petition being circulated
online as the new president and the program he was
promoting led many in South Korea to fear that he
would be taking South Korea backwards to its auto-
cratic past. The candlelight demonstrations were a
sign that many in South Korea saw the actions of the
new president as a difficult problem for their country.
The Role of OhmyNews
In August 2008, Oh Yeon-ho who is the CEO and
the founder of OhmyNews gave a talk in the U.S.
about the candlelight 2008 demonstrations.
OhmyNews is mainly an online newspaper that has
committed itself to be a 21
st
century newspaper.
The Korean edition of OhmyNews combines
articles submitted by its regular staff with those
submitted by people from around the world, from the
Korean-speaking population and then decides which
will be put on its front pages. The Korean edition has
a substantial regular staff, as opposed to the smaller
English edition which is mainly based on contribu-
tions of articles by non-staff voluntary journalists
from around the world. The Korean edition of
OhmyNews is a major newspaper in South Korea.
There has been a very proud tradition of protest
and sacrifice in South Korea. In 1987 the South
Korean people got rid of the military dictatorship.
And it has been a hard fight since then. But it’s only
in the last 10 years that people have felt that they’ve
had some minimal level of democracy. In his talk, Oh
Yeon-ho explained that people had committed them-
selves to using the internet to try to guarantee and
spread that democracy.
OhmyNews played an important role in the 2008
Page 4
candlelight demonstrations. It started OhmyTV.
Because of OhmyTV I was able to watch the
candlelight demonstrations in my kitchen in the
Bronx in New York City. I don’t speak Korean but I
could have a good idea of what was happening. I
could chat using the Internet to talk to a former editor
of OhmyNews who is in London. She and I would
write back and forth to each other about what was
happening in the demonstrations. OhmyNews had 24
hour coverage at times and they provided not only
coverage on OhmyTV of the demonstrations, but also
articles and photos on their web pages about the
demonstrations. Also they had articles in English on
the English edition of OhmyNews about the demon-
strations. I found the coverage helpful and inspiring.
Though netizen is not a Korean word, it has been
adopted in Korea. People use the word netizen to
describe when they are active defending democracy
using the Internet. Netizens in South Korea took on to
broadcast whatever was going on. They would use
text messages sent via their cell phones or their
laptops. They would discuss what was happening
online.
A report about the demonstrations by France24
was particularly helpful. The reporter recognized
what was happening. France24 presented a netizen
with his laptop. Even when the police were using
water cannons attacking the demonstrators you could
often see someone with plastic over his laptop trying
to film what was going on. People took their cameras,
their cell phones and their laptops however they
could, they would broadcast on the Internet what was
happening. They would get broadcasts back from
other people at other areas of the demonstrations.
Along with the OhmyTV broadcasts, there were many
other sources of broadcasts, as for example via the
Korean online video portal Afreeca or via Youtube.
People who weren’t at the demonstration would
discuss what they saw and interact with the demon-
strators via their computers or cell phones. As one
person explained to me, netizens would go with their
laptops to the demonstration. They could be at the
demonstration and online at the same time. So online
and offline reality came together in a lot of ways for
a number of people during these demonstrations.
I was told that the demonstrations were different
from the prior tradition of demonstrations. In South
Korea, there is a tradition of militant demonstrations
in the struggle for democracy. The demonstrations in
2008, however, were festivals. There were people of
all ages, men, women, and children at the demonstra-
tions. People would bring their instruments. For
example, in one situation, in the middle of the police
attacking demonstrators, some people began to play
their accordions. At other times, there would be
singing, there would be dancing. There was debating.
There was something called a free speech stage that
developed. People would line up for a chance to
speak. Others would listen and react to the speakers.
And the demonstrators became the press, so they were
no longer dependent on how their demonstrations
were reported in the traditional media.
These were an important set of activities. But in
order to understand what happened it is crucial to
recognize that South Korea is advanced in terms of
the Internet.
South Korea is among the most advanced nations
in having the highest number of people connected
with broadband access. So it’s my sense that what
happens in South Korea represents a glimpse into the
future in terms of what’s possible when a large
number of people in a country have access to high
speed broadband connectivity.
If the Internet can spread and spread widely and
if there’s inexpensive wireless available, that is very
helpful because if people have the internet and can
write, film and carry on discussions about what is
happening in the world, this can function as a watch-
dog over what is happening. At times during the
candlelight demonstrations, the widespread media
coverage proved to be a protection for people from
the arbitrary actions of the police.
One such example is demonstrated by events that
took place in Seoul on June 10 and 11. A very big
demonstration was planned for June 10 to celebrate
the victory over the military government in South
Korea in June 1987. Some estimate as many as
600,000 to 700,00 people were expected and actually
participated in the demonstration in Seoul. What the
government did to prepare for the demonstration was
to try to blockade the president’s house, which is
called the Blue House, to keep the demonstrators
from marching to the Blue House. The police put up
barriers. They put out a number of shipping contain-
ers and filled them with sand which was reported to
have weighed 40 tons each. The police put grease on
the barriers so people would not be able to climb over
them.
The netizens named this structure “Myung-bak’s
castle.” They even made a wikipedia entry for
Page 5
“Myung-bak’s castle” as a landmark of Seoul.
They decorated this new landmark of Seoul.
Below is a photo of what happened later, after the
June 10 demonstration, from 12 midnight on June 11
until 5:30 am. On one side of the barrier is the crowd
of people discussing what should they do about the
barriers.
On the other side of the shipping containers, there are
buses filled with police and police outside the buses
guarding the President’s house.
The photo shows how people had brought blocks
of Styrofoam to be able to go over the police barri-
cade. But there was a 5-1/2 hour debate over what to
do at the site of the demonstration with people lining
up on both sides of the debate. Through the discussion
people decided not to go over the barricade for a
number of reasons. People felt it was too dangerous to
go over it. Instead several people with their banners
went up on the barricade.
The people who went up on the barrier did so to
show that they could have gone over it if they wanted
to but that they had decided not to.
The last photo presents the contrast between
WHAT IS SUPPOSED to be democracy, which is the
side of the barricade protecting the President from
communicating with the people.
And WHAT IS democracy, which is the people
communicating with each other to determine what
action is in the interest of the people on the other side
of the blockade. People online wrote about how
important this all was to them, to see that there could
be a discussion especially where people had real
differences. This was significant in two ways:
First, the discussion made it possible to decide
how to resolve the differences to come to a decision
among all of them.
Second, they cooperatively determined how to
construct a structure that would enable them to carry
out their decision. They took the kind of plastic,
cooperative process possible online and utilized it to
construct an offline structure and action.
The discussion and decisions carried out on June
11 were by a combination of people acting as netizens
and as citizens. What they did, I want to propose,
represents an important achievement and serves as a
fitting celebration of the 15
th
anniversary of the
publication online of “The Net and Netizens.”
Notes:
1. I say ‘socially’ because the concept of netizen refers to having
a concern for the well being of others, not only for one’s own
concerns and interests.
2. Information Please: Culture and Politics in the Age of Digital
Machines, Mark Poster, Durham, NC, 2006, page 78.
Page 6
3. For example, we had difficulty getting the book Netizens
published and distributed widely.
4. The Net and Netizens” is the first chapter of the book
Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and the
Internet.” There is an online version of the book at:
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/netbook/
China: Netizen Impact
on Government Policy
and Media Practice
by Jay Hauben
In this talk, I present two examples where the
activity of netizens has had an impact on Chinese
society. I hope to illustrate that active participation by
a critical mass of net users in online discussions can
influence national public opinion, activate the main-
stream media, check actions of the authorities and set
some of the political agenda of China. I submit this as
evidence that netizens are beginning to exercise some
political power and contributing to developing Chi-
nese society in the direction of greater citizen partici-
pation.
I. Introduction
Internet adoption in China is still rapidly increas-
ing. It was reported in July 2008 that there were more
than 253 million online users in China,
1
forty three
million more than a year earlier. Over 100 million of
current users read online forums. A still smaller set of
net users, less than 60 million are active contributors
to forum and chat room discussions. It is among these
users that I would locate net users who are “netizens”.
Netizen as a concept of scholarly interest was
first analyzed in the research of Michael Hauben at
Columbia University starting in 1992. Hauben had
participated in the 1980s on local hobbyist run bulle-
tin board systems (BBS) and in global Usenet
newsgroups. He wrote about “a new social institution,
an electronic commons developing.”
2
He undertook
research to explore how and why these communica-
tions forums served as an electronic commons. He
posted questions on newsgroups, mailing lists and
portals and found a very high level “of mutual respect
and sharing of research and ideas fostering a sense of
community and participation.”
3
Hauben found there
were people online who actively use and take up to
defend public communication, who oppose censorship
and disruptive online behavior. Hauben recognized
this as a form of network citizenship. He contracted
“net.citizen” into “netizen” to express the new online
non-geographically based social identity and net
citizenship he attributed to these people.
The self-identity and practice of netizenship
spread around the world. Especially in analyzing the
net in China, it is necessary to distinguish between all
net users (wang min) and those users who participate
constructively concerning social and political issues
in forums and chat rooms.
4
This second category
comes online for public rather than simply for per-
sonal and entertainment purposes. They act as citizens
of the net (wang luo gong min) and are the netizens of
this talk. The distinction must be emphasized because
the Chinese characters for network people wang min
are very often translated into English as “netizens.” In
the examples I will now read, I strictly adopt the
second usage. Netizens are net citizens, not all net
users.
5
1
http://www.cnnic.com.cn/html/Dir/2008/07/31/5247.htm
2
“Preface: What is a netizen” in Netizens: On the History and
Impact of Usenet and the Internet, Michael Hauben and Ronda
Hauben, IEEE Computer Society Press, Los Alamitos, CA,
1997, p. ix. Also, an earlier version is online at:
http://www.columbia.edu/~rh120/ch106.xpr
3
Ibid.
4
Forum software hosted on internet accessible servers allows
for sequential and threaded online text discussions which can
be monitored and moderated. Similarly hosted chat room
software allows for simultaneous multiple participant real time
text conversations. In China, most forums allow alias
registration and are often archived. Chat room sessions are
ephemeral and are not easily monitored.
5
My usage is similar to that of Haiqing Yu who writes, “I use
‘netizen’ in a narrow sense to mean ‘Net plus citizen.’ or
‘citizen on the net.’ Netizens are those who use the Internet as
a venue for exercising citizenship through rational public
debates on social and political issues of common concern.”
(Haiqing Yu, “From Active Audience to Media Citizenship:
The Case of Post-Mao China,” Social Semiotics, 16 (2), June
2006.
http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/10350330600664888
(access restricted))
I add, however, that netizens are not only ‘citizens on the net’
but also ‘citizens of the net’ signifying those who actively
contribute to the development and defense of the net as a
global communications platform.
Page 7
II. Examples
6
My first example is the case of The Death of Sun
Zhigang
7
(2003)
To help control migration of rural people to the
cities, the Chinese government had in place for more
than 20 years, “Measures for Internment and Deporta-
tion of Urban Vagrants.”
8
On March 17, 2003, a
college graduate from the city of Wuhan working
away from home in the city of Guangzhou was
stopped for an identity check. He was detained under
these measures because he did not have the temporary
residence card he was asked to show. In the police
station he contacted two friends who came quickly to
vouch for him and his employed status. The police
would not release him. Three days later his friends
tried to contact him and were notified that he died
from a heart attack. After learning of Mr. Sun’s death,
his relatives and friends contacted the local police for
an explanation but received no definite answer as to
what happened.
With financial help from Mr. Sun’s former
classmates, his family was able to have an autopsy
performed which indicated that Mr. Sun was brutally
beaten before his death. One of the classmates who
was studying media in Beijing posted an appeal for
help concerning Mr. Sun’s death on a cyber forum for
discussion among media professionals from all over
China. A journalist working for the South Metropoli-
tan Daily took the post as a lead and decided to
initiate interviews of the family and authorities
involved.
9
About one month after the death, a detailed
report about it appeared in the South Metropolitan
Daily with the headline, “University graduate de-
tained and cruelly beaten to death for not showing
temporary residence card.”
10
On the same day, the
journalist also made the report available online on the
Southern Net news site.
11
Following the reports, the news was picked up by
editors of other online news portals. The net was
quickly flooded with anger at the death and appeals
for justice. Major national forums
12
featured extensive
discussions of the detention system, the death of Mr.
Sun and its implications. Other netizens commented
about the obvious injustice and denial of his constitu-
tional rights. Portal sites made the case a Hot Topic
where links to related stories were gathered. Chinese
language forums outside of China were also used for
discussions and analysis of the case.
A memorial page was launched by a software
engineer. It eventually received over 200,000 visits,
many visitors leaving comments, messages of sadness
and some money donations to the family. Some
comments gave examples of other cases of police
brutality. Others went further, demanding an end to
the official policy that treated migrants as lower class
citizens.
The intense online reaction influenced further
reporting first by big non-governmental media and
then by the mainstream national media, feeding more
online ferment. A special committee was formed by
the Guangzhou government to investigate Sun’s
death. The subsequent blunt denial by the police of
responsibility enraged many netizens. Their reaction
was critical comments now focusing on the weakness
of the investigation procedures.
Contributions of articles, responses, comments
and calls for action appeared online from activists,
lawyers, and academics all of whom had no other
option where to publish their critical analysis. Online
news articles typically received tens of thousands of
responses. Live chat discussions formulated demands
for a thorough investigation, punishment for those
involved, change or abolition of vagrancy measures,
and an immediate end to deportations. The combina-
tion of online outrage and mainstream media cover-
6
There are approximately 34 million Chinese speaking people
living outside of mainland China, many take a keen interest in
social and political issues in China. Those online often
participate in forums, chat rooms and blogs hosted on servers
in China and outside. In the examples that follow it is likely
netizens outside of China have participated.
7
This case is well covered in the scholarly literature. See for
example, Ibid, Tai, pp. 259-268 and other references in the
following notes.
8
Ibid, p. 260.
9
Shaoguag Wang,”Changing Models of China’s Policy
Agenda Setting,” Modern China, 2008, 34 p. 79.
http://mcx.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/34/1/56 (access
restricted)
10
http://news.sina.com.cn/s/2003-04-25/09501015845.shtml.
See also, Haiqing Yu, “From Active Audience to Media
Citizenship: The Case of Post-Mao China”, Social Semiotics,
16 (2), June 2006.
11
http://news.21cn.com/social/shixiang/2003-04-25/1021755.html
12
Like Strong Nation Forum (qiangguo luntan), Development
Forum (fazhan luntan) and China Youth Forum (zhongqing
luntan)
Page 8
age made the case a topic of household conversation
everywhere in China. People’s Daily began to publish
selected netizen comments in its online news site.
Pressure from online communities, social groups and
the central government gave the local officials no
choice but to initiate a more serious investigation. The
investigators acknowledged that netizen pressure
added to their determination, resulting in thirteen
arrests reported. An open trial from June 5 to 9 ended
with 12 convictions of guards at the detention center
and some of the detainees. There was one death
sentence. Twenty-three governmental officials and
police officers were disciplined for their roles in the
death and lack of action after it.
Even after the arrest, online petitions were
circulated and online protest letters were addressed to
the National People’s Congress calling for abolition
of the current custody and repatriation system. Such
letters virtually never appear in Chinese off line
media. On May 15, a netizen posted an article, “On
the Violation of ‘Legislation Law’ by the Holding
System: The Case of Sun Zhigangon a site main-
tained by the government which was followed by an
online examination of the existing anti-vagrancy laws.
On June 18, after over 20 years of enforcement, the
State Council decide to abolished the 1982 Measures
under which Mr. Sun had been detained. New mea-
sures were initiated which did not allow for detention
but required a system of help for homeless people be
available on a voluntary basis.
The collaboration of netizen and traditional
media set the news agenda and helped public opinion
to form so that the death of Sun Zhigang, an ordinary
person, was given extensive national coverage. This
led to the relatively quick end of a long standing
oppressive and discriminatory law. One scholar
described this as “one of the first cases of popular
opinion overriding and resetting official agendas and
the first demonstration of the sociopolitical power of
Chinese netizenship.”
13
Another event in 2003 was the BMW Incident
(2003)
On Oct 16, 2003, two farmers, Liu Zhongxia and
her husband, rode their tractor loaded with onions
through a narrow street in Harbin, capital city of
Heilongjiang Province in Northeast China. The tractor
accidentally scrapped the rearview mirror of a car
parked on the side of the street. The car was a BMW
owned by Su Xiuwen’s businessman husband. Ms. Su
caused a commotion haranguing the two farmers
because of the damage to her husband’s expensive
car. Then she got back into the car and drove it into
the crowd which had gathered because of the commo-
tion. Ms. Liu was killed and 12 bystanders were
injured.
Ms. Su was tried in a Harbin court on Dec. 20.
None of the bystanders testified. They had each
received money from Ms. Su’s husband. After two
hours, the court ruled Ms. Su had not been properly
handling her car. The death of Ms. Liu was judged
accidental. Ms. Su was given a two year sentence
which was suspended. There was brief local media
coverage of the trial and it seemed it would pass as a
fatal traffic accident, one of many every day in every
country.
But two days after the trial, a post about the case
appeared on the Strong Nation Forum, “Attention:
The BMW killed a farmer.” The person posting made
three main points: 1) Ms. Su was related to a high
ranking official. 2) Ms. Su had killed Ms. Liu deliber-
ately. 3) The trial did not follow legal procedures. The
post unleashed a wide spread questioning and discus-
sion of the case throughout Chinese language cyber-
space. Soon there were over 70,000 comments and
opinions relating to the case on one portal alone.
Many netizens saw in the incident a posing of the
questions of rich versus poor in China, and justice
versus corruption.
Within two weeks the BMW incident became the
online hottest topic in the China. Journalists from out
side the province who followed the online commotion
went to Harbin to investigate and report for their
newspapers. After January 8, China’s mainstream
national media began intensive coverage. After all
this attention, local authorities and legal organs began
a reinvestigation.
The online uproar over the case put it on the
national news agenda and offered an alternative
framing to that of the court and the local media.
Almost half of the early posts looked for “behind the
scenes” reasons for Ms. Su’s light sentence. Less than
ten percent accepted the court’s decision. Other
netizens sought to understand the underlying causes.
Some suggested remedies like greater government
accountability to public opinion.
13
Haiqing Yu, “Talking, Linking, Clicking: The Politics of
AIDS and SARS in Urban China,” positions: east asia
cultures critique, 15 (1) Spring 2007:
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/positions/v015/15/lyu.html
(access restricted)
Page 9
There was a growing call for the authorities to
open a new investigation and hold a new trial. When
it was reported in the press that province officials
promised “a satisfactory solution to the ‘BMW case’
will be offered to the public,” a post on the Strong
Nation Forum titled “Why should we trust you?”
precipitated a cynical thread casting doubt on the
credibility of the officials.
14
More and more the
question raised was what kind of China do we want?
A netizen with the alias stellyshi commented that
history shows that “…justice originates with the truth.
But now in the world, or in China, the truth means
nothing. In modern China, with power and money,
you can say anything as you like. Even you can kill
one person as you want. So, what is this? Is this fare
(sic)? Is this so-called socialist country? I don’t think
so. Never!!!…”
15
The hundreds of thousands of online posts took
many forms including analysis, argumentation,
poems, novels, dramas, letters, animations, and jokes.
Most posts were sympathetic to Ms. Liu and hostile to
Ms. Su. For many netizens, Ms. Su and Ms. Liu, the
BMW and the onion cart became symbols of the
growing gap and the character differences between
the rich and the poor in China. While much coverage
in the mainstream media called for government
transparency and social improvement, a major direc-
tion taken in netizen posts was to raise the question of
the direction in which China should be going. The
mainstream media called for step-by-step social
improvement, the online discussion raised deeper
systemic questions.
The off line media and the government in re-
sponse to the massive netizen activity took more
action then they would have. A new investigation was
promised and a retrial of Ms. Su. But by mid January
the government forbad the mainstream media from
any further coverage. It also required the deletion of
some and finally all old posts and any new netizen
contributions on the major forums and portals. At the
new trial there was no greater penalty for Ms. Su and
the monitoring and deleting of BMW related posts
caused online attention to shift to other incidents and
issues including net censorship.
In this incident all the netizen activity did not
lead to a different legal outcome. But it was another
example that ferment around a not very uncommon
event can lead to examination of contradictions buried
in society. It is arguable that this netizen uprising had
an effect on Chinese society regardless of the legal
outcome or the deletion of hundreds of thousands of
netizen comments. And in September 2004, the
Fourth Session of the Sixteenth CCP Central Commit-
tee rejected the long standing policy orientation
“efficiency first” which had been criticized by some
netizens who in the course of their uprisings traced
the specific problem to this systemic root.
16
Discussion
Every year since 2003, there has been dozens of
such national netizen uprisings and commotions
around social and political issues, sometimes expos-
ing fraud or corruption or questioning government
actions or explanations, sometimes discussing foreign
events like disruption of the Olympic touch relay.
They have become a normal aspect of Chinese soci-
ety.
The Chinese government has signaled its support
for active posting on forums.
17
Government officials
at all levels are encouraged to take part in forums or
on blogs. Government related news sites tolerate very
active and often highly critical forum discussions.
President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jaibao both said
publicly that netizen activity at the time of SARS was
helpful. Summaries of each day’s hottest netizen
activity are made for the State Council. The dominant
14
Christina Yuqiong Zhuo and Patricia Moy, “Frame Building
and Frame Setting: The Interplay Between Online Public
Opinion and Media Coverage,” paper presented at the annual
meeting of the International Communication Association,
Dresden, June 16, 2006:
http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p91118_index.html
15
Comment #11 at:
http://bbs.chinadaily.com.cn/redirect.php?tid=39672&goto=lastpost&highlight=
16
Ibid, Shaoguang Wang, note 9, p. 80
17
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has
been officially promoted for the last 15 or 20 years as one of
the most important driving forces of China’s economic
development. The government and party publicly support the
spread of the Internet and its use by people within China. The
result is the rapid spread of the Internet and its active use,
averaging for net users in China almost three hours per day. A
foreign journalist working in Beijing commented that users in
China “are usually too busy enjoying the Internet they have to
lament the Internet they do not have.” (Quoted in OhmyNews
International,
http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?me
nu=c10400&no=381087&rel_no=1). But also, enthusiastic
netizens have found ways to minimize the effect of the
censorship. And many of them are using it with the purpose of
rational public debates on social and political issues.
Page 10
stress of censorship reported by media outside of
China misses this level of support and the rapidly
expanding new use for social and political discussion
and debate.
Often ahead of the mainstream media, netizen up
risings set the news agenda. Local events are given by
netizen activity national or international attention. In
alliance with more independent journalists and
editors, online issues can spread to the main stream
national media and to the whole Chinese people.
Netizen critical framing of issues differs from govern-
ment and mainstream media framing. When popular
opinion is formed about these issues it often follows
the netizen rather than the government or media
framing. The fight around censorship is creative and
spirited. A possible result is that the percent of net
users who view forums is increasing.
Some journalists come online for their leads and
to find contacts to interview. Some are emboldened
by netizen exposures and numbers to dig deeper and
take on more controversial topics. The result is the
media environment in China is livelier than in societ-
ies with less netizen activity even if those societies
have less media supervision and guidance.
Setting the agenda, framing issues and arousing
public opinion are all aspects of political power in
modern society. That the netizens in China are able
occasionally to play these roles suggests a political
dynamism in Chinese society that is often denied by
critics of China. Netizen activity in China is relatively
recent. It has many obstacles including a trend toward
nationalism and a contest over supervision and
control. But it is fertile soil for scholarly attention.
My intention with my examples was to attract such
attention. One precaution is the need for collabora-
tions that include Chinese speaking colleagues. I look
forward to the results.
Thank you.
[The following is a script of the presentation made by
Ulla Rannikko at the Netizens panel at IR9.0.
Rannikko is a PhD candidate at the London School of
Economics and Political Science. The slides which
accompanied her presentation can be seen at:
http://www.ais.org/~jrh/netizen_panel_2008/URannikko.ppt]
The Relation Between Citizen
Journalism and Its Organiza-
tional Context: The Cases of
Indymedia in Finland and
OhmyNews International
by Ulla Rannikko
Slide 1
I am going to talk about how participatory media
organizations, more specifically Indymedia in Finland
and OhmyNews International, act as social resources
for citizen journalists. My paper draws on face-to-face
interviews that I have conducted with citizen reporters
and people facilitating these two websites for my
ongoing doctoral research on citizen journalism. I will
call these two organizations by their abbreviations,
hence Indymedia in Finland is VAI and OhmyNews
International is OMNI.
Slide 2
As a general background for my paper, I want to
note a few developments in media in recent years that
seem to relate to citizen journalism.
It has been argued that democratic journalism is
in crisis and that people are not always getting the
kind of information from the media they need as
citizens. The mainstream media have been criticized
for being misleading and profit oriented. At the same
time, media are struggling to maintain their profit
margins. Media are also trying to adjust to the
so-called digital revolution, part of which is that
media content and original sources of information are
increasingly available online and often for free, and
the ordinary people are becoming involved in creating
media content. There has been a rise in media activ-
ism, the idea being that it is our democratic right to
express ourselves in the media, or as Hackett and
Carroll (2006) have noted, that media activism is
about democratization of the media, not through the
media.
But what is citizen journalism, which for some
appears to offer at least a partial solution to what the
mainstream media are perceived to be doing wrong?
Citizen journalism tends to be understood to include
blogs, user-created content in the mainstream media
and various participatory media. Not all citizen
journalism is online, as, for example, newspapers
Page 11
publish people’s photos in print format.
Slide 3
I will use as a starting point here a definition by
Bowman and Willis (2003). Their definition of
participatory journalism, their preferred term for
citizen journalism is:
“The act of a citizen, or group of citizens, playing
an active role in the process of collecting, reporting,
analyzing and disseminating news and information.
The intent of this participation is to provide independ-
ent, reliable, accurate, wide-ranging and relevant
information that a democracy requires.” (Ibid, 9)
I am not going to discuss in this presentation
what this information that a democracy needs might
be or how citizenship should be understood; instead,
what is relevant here is the long list of adjectives that
Bowman and Willis (2003) use to describe the type of
information that citizen journalism should offer.
It seems to me that they have a great many
expectations of citizen journalism. I wonder how
often journalism in general succeeds in offering
“independent” one could ask independent of what
“reliable, accurate, wide-ranging and relevant informa-
tion,” yet citizen journalism is expected to be able to
do that. Interestingly, in discussions about citizen
journalism, particularly in the mainstream media, it
has been criticized for failing to meet these expecta-
tions. Instead, some have claimed that citizen journal-
ism equates to poor quality and lack of accountability.
Now we have an idea of what citizen journalism
is expected to provide, but what have media commen-
tators said about how it is supposed to work? I am
going to show you two quotes; the first is by Dan
Gillmor (2006), who is one of the foremost advocates
of citizen journalism. The second is by Andrew Keen
(2007), who is not a proponent of the phenomenon.
Slide 4
“When people can express themselves, they will.
When they can do so with powerful yet inexpensive
tools, they take to the new-media realm quickly.
When they can reach a potentially global audience,
they literally can change the world” (Gillmor, 2006,
p. xv).
“The simple ownership of a computer and an
Internet connection doesn’t transform one into a
serious journalist any more than having access to a
kitchen makes one into a serious cook” (Keen, 2007,
47).
Gillmor (2006, xv) suggests that if people are
given the tools, in turn they “can change the world,”
whereas Keen (2007, 47) argues that not just anyone
with a PC and Internet access can be a proper journal-
ist. But are either of them right?
Slide 5
Gillmor (2006) is right to draw attention to the
tools that citizen journalists need to be able to partici-
pate in citizen journalism online. But I argue that the
tools only create the basic conditions, as citizen
journalists must be motivated, and they need skills
such as writing skills and language skills. Some
citizen journalists may need support, as not everyone
can be expected to be competent in journalistic
writing and, for example, in taking pictures. This is
where participatory media organizations play a role,
as ideally they can act as social resources for citizen
journalists.
Social resources refer to structures, in this case at
the mesolevel of organizations, that, I quote, ‘allow
people opportunities to form alliances, create joint
accomplishments, and collectively defend their inter-
ests’, as argued by Warschauer (2003, 160), who has
written about social inclusion and the digital divide.
My question then is how do participatory media
organizations act as social resources for citizen
journalists? Before I discuss OMNI and VAI, it is
worth briefly looking at what people involved in
citizen journalism see as desired skills and quality in
citizen journalism.
Slide 6
“...citizen journalism should aim at the same
quality as ‘real’ journalism ...?the skills required are
the normal good writing skills, critical analytical
skills and so forth ... ?the ‘critical citizen journalism’
part comes from having a slightly different point of
view from that of the mainstream media” (Laakso,
2006, VAI).
“A citizen journalist needs to be able to use solid
and consistent grammar, write in their own voice, and
use various resources effectively to gather as much
information as they can about their story” (Hahn,
2007, OMNI).
“...they [citizen journalists] do need to know how
to express themselves. Or they need an editor who can
help them” (George, 2007, OMNI).
The first quote is by a globalization-critical
Page 12
movement activist (Laakso, 2006) and a reporter from
VAI, and the second quote is by a citizen reporter
(Hahn, 2007) for OMNI. As the first two statements
indicate, it seems that citizen journalism should not be
that different from journalism in general, except that
writing from a certain perspective is seen as desirable.
Unsurprisingly, good writing skills are seen as a
requirement for citizen reporters. In the third quote, a
former OMNI assistant editor (George, 2007) draws
attention to the role of editors in helping citizen
reporters.
I will move now to discuss VAI and OMNI.
Slide 7
VAI was active in Finland for three years at the
beginning of this decade. OMNI is an English lan-
guage edition of South Korean OhmyNews and the
website was launched in 2004. Both VAI and OMNI
aim to empower people to become citizen journalists.
Among the key differences between them is that VAI
as part of international Indymedia network is associ-
ated with the alter-globalization movement and its
content tends to reflect this, whereas OMNI offers a
broader range of content from news articles and
analysis to film reviews and commentary.
VAI was a volunteer organization, whereas
OMNI is owned by a company. In VAI, people were
not paid for their stories, whereas OMNI pays a small
sum to its reporters.
Language is another difference because many
Indymedia collectives, such as VAI, tend to operate in
a local language, whereas OMNI operates in English.
Indymedia websites are usually city, region or, such
as VAI, country based, whereas OMNI is aimed at a
global audience and has contributors from around the
world.
I will discuss next how VAI and OMNI operate
and the kind of support they provide for their citizen
reporters.
Slide 8
VAI and OMNI demonstrate different approaches
to offering online space for people’s contributions.
VAI by and large followed principles of open publish-
ing, which means that the editorial decisions are made
transparent to the users and potentially anyone can
become involved in making those decisions, as well
as in contributing content. Also, the filtering and
modifying of stories is kept to a minimum. In reality,
VAI, unlike some other Indymedia websites, did not
edit stories, although the website was moderated and,
for example, racist and sexist articles and comments
were removed. If the moderators considered some-
thing to be very poorly written, they could return the
article to the writer to be tidied up.
Although some Indymedia collectives train
reporters, VAI, as a very small collective, did not
provide training. OMNI has a code of ethics and style
guidelines for reporters available on their website,
whereas VAI only posted very basic editorial princi-
ples on the website. Stories that are published on the
OMNI main website go through an editing process,
although they also have a Talk Back forum on their
website, which is a non-edited space for people’s
stories. In OMNI, editors can ask reporters to rewrite
a story. Based on the interviews, it seems that for
OMNI reporters, getting facts right is very important
and they appreciate that editors do fact-checking.
OMNI editors offer advice for citizen journalists
mainly through e-mail and online instant messaging,
but sometimes also through voice services available
online, such as Skype. Some reporters are invited to
a yearly Citizen Reporters’ Forum in Seoul. There
they get to meet OMNI staff and other reporters. The
forum builds a community feel among OMNI.
80% of OMNI contributors are non-native Eng-
lish speakers (Thacker, 2007). For editors, this means
that correcting articles for spelling, grammar and
punctuation is a central part of their work. For report-
ers not confident about their English language skills
at the level required for writing a journalistic piece,
help is available. For VAI, operating in Finnish was
likely to encourage participation among Finns.
Obviously, having the website in Finnish made it
incomprehensible for the vast majority of the world’s
population and for other Indymedia readers and
collectives. For OMNI, operating in English means
that the website is incomprehensible for the majority
of the world’s population. Estimates of first or second
language users of English vary between eight and
eighteen per cent of people (Graddol, 2006, 62).
Slide 9
“You have to learn the art of diplomacy through
text because it’s very easy for people to misinterpret
what you’re saying, especially as often they’re not
native speakers either, so it’s a double whammy”
(Thacker, 2007).
“You know, he always answers me as soon as I
write to him ...it’s always better to talk to that person
Page 13
but it’s... you know, when you’re doing it in that kind
of format online, um, that’s the closest it comes to
really being able to interact on a personal level”
(Jacquot, 2006).
These two quotes, the first by the senior editor
(Thacker, 2007) of OMNI and the second by a citizen
reporter (Jacquot, 2006) for OMNI, refer to communi-
cation between editors and citizen reporters. As the
senior editor notes, it is challenging to communicate
in writing, especially as many of the citizen journal-
ists are not native English speakers. In the second
quote, a citizen reporter points out that speaking in
person with editors would be preferable. It is worth
noting that although VAI was a local operation, the
collective operated by and large using mailing lists.
Some interviewees identified that this caused prob-
lems because the organization was seen to be too
loose.
Slide 10
The cases of OMNI and VAI indicate that lan-
guage is still a dividing factor on the Internet. When
citizen journalism platforms choose a language, it
means that while they open up access for some, they
close it for others. Computed-mediated communica-
tion between editors and citizen reporters across
cultures this also came up in interviews with OMNI
editors has challenges, especially if it’s not in the
people’s native language. Interestingly, if a website
operates locally, it does not automatically mean that
people meet in person, as the case of VAI shows. On
the whole, reporters for OMNI appreciate input from
editors and clear written guidelines seem to help.
These two cases indicate that the level of support
available to citizen reporters can vary dramatically
between citizen journalism platforms and it may not
be enough just to provide a space for citizen journal-
ism.
Slide 11
Appropriate support may encourage more people
to become involved in citizen journalism, not just
those who are confident about their skills. It seems
reasonable to argue that the decisions that are made at
the level of an organization, whether they concern the
language of the content and communication, the
editing process, or the training of citizen reporters, in
turn not only affect who contributes to these websites
and how, but also shape the readership, as certainly is
the case with regard to the language.
There are many challenges in responsible citizen
journalism. For example: How to make sure that help
is available for those who need it. How to find volun-
teer or business models that allow the creation of
support structures. How can participatory media
organizations balance the power and responsibility
that come with the territory when they offer a space
for people’s contributions?
References:
Bowman, S. & Willis, C. (2003) ‘We media: how audiences are
shaping the future of news and information’, Report by The
Media Center at the American Press Institute. Available:
http://www.hypergene.net/wemedia/weblog.php (accessed 4 Mar
2008).
George, C. (2007) Interview with the author, London, UK, 17
December 2007. [Ms. George is a former assistant editor of
OhmyNews International].
Gillmor, D. (2006) We the media: grassroots journalism by the
people, for the people, Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly.
Graddol, D. (2006) English next: why global English may mean
the end of ‘English as a foreign language’, British Council.
Available:
http://www.britishcouncil.org/learning-research-english-next.pdf
(accessed 30 Jul 2008).
Hackett, R. A. & Carroll, W. K. (2006) Remaking media: the
struggle to democratize public communication, New York, NY:
Routledge.
Hahn, J. (2007) Interview with the author, New Jersey, U.S.A.,
9 August 2007. [Mr Hahn is a citizen journalist of OhmyNews
International].
Jacquot, J. (2006) Interview with the author, San Francisco,
U.S.A., 17 Nov 2006. [Mr Jacquot is a citizen journalist of
OhmyNews International].
Keen, A. (2007) The cult of the amateur: how today’s internet is
killing our culture, New York: Doubleday.
Laakso, T. (2006) Interview with the author, Helsinki, Finland,
24 August 2006. [Mr Laakso, one of the core group of activists
who launched the VAI website, was also a reporter on the VAI
website].
Thacker, T. (2007) Interview with the author, Seoul, South
Korea, 3 July 2007. [Mr Thacker is a senior editor of OhmyNews
International].
Warschauer, M. (2003) Technology and social inclusion:
rethinking the digital divide, Cambridge: MA: MIT Press.
Page 14
[The following resume for the Amateur Computerist
is based on the presentation Anders Ekeland gave in
Copenhagen, at IR9.0. Some topics have been ex-
tended by the author, some relating directly to pic-
tures in the presentation have been dropped or re-
duced. Ekeland was at the time a Senior Researcher at
the Norwegian Institute for Studies in Innovation,
Research and Education. The resume was written
specially for this issue. The original slides can be seen
at:
http://www.ais.org/~jrh/netizen_panel_2008/AEkeland.ppt]
Democratizing Innovation
Through the Internet
by Anders Ekeland
After having read some of the literature on
“user-driven innovation” I felt that it is was necessary
to outline some alternative theoretical perspectives
before going into a more systematic empirical study
of how the Internet facilitates user-driven innovation.
In my opinion the mainstream economic theory that
is used as the theoretical framework to discuss the
phenomenon of user-driven innovation is build on a
set of atomistic, egoistic and static principles that
makes mainstream economic theory ill suited to grasp
this highly social and dynamic phenomenon.
Mainstream economic theory with its egoistic
homo economicus
1
as its ideal of human rationality
is in contest with precisely the cooperative, collabora-
tive “altruistic” aspects of the Internet. User-
driven innovation is also very interesting for those of
us who are interested in forms of society where profit
maximization and competition are not the main
drivers for social and technological change. Conse-
quently in this presentation the actual use of the
Internet for the purpose of “user-driven innovation”
will be more anecdotal, based on data and description
in the literature and my own experiences. My own
experiences are connected primarily to my interest in
emission free vehicles, which includes human pow-
ered vehicles, but is broader since it includes all
non-fossil vehicles.
The starting point is Eric von Hippel’s recent
book Democratizing Innovation (2005).
2
This book is
the last in a series of books and articles by the same
author related to the “sources of innovation,” which
was also the title of von Hippel’s ‘breakthrough’ book
Sources of Innovation (1988). Here von Hippel
described and discussed the role of users in the
making of innovations. Von Hippel (1988, p. 4)
showed that users of a variety of products were either
the source of innovation or an important source. User
in this context is both firms and persons. As von
Hippel in Democratizing (p. 19) points out, the word
‘consumer’ gives an association of passive consump-
tion. This is of course generally correct, but under-
states that some of us – many of us – in some spheres
of life have a much more active attitude to the prod-
ucts we use. We sometimes modify them to make
them better suited to our needs.
The conventional wisdom, that it is the manufac-
turer that finds out what we need and then designs and
produces it completely overlooks the social interac-
tion that takes place even in a capitalist market
economy. As a facilitator, the Internet should be well
suited as a vehicle for democratizing innovation.
Anecdotal evidence shows that the Internet creates
better user-producer links, that it makes possible a
creation of a wider and more customized variety of
goods. Von Hippel points to several studies where the
intra-user and user-producer exchange of ideas could
only have been mediated through a medium with such
low cost and rich information potential as the Internet.
A recent report written by a group of students at
the Technical University of Norway (NTNU)
“User-driven Innovation: When the user makes the
difference” also includes several cases where the
Internet have been instrumental for innovation. For
some product categories like extreme outdoor equip-
ment, the users are not only lead users,” i.e. ad-
vanced users giving early and insightful information
to the manufacturers R&D department what problems
to address they are practically the developers,
making modifications and/or extensions to the prod-
uct that the manufacturer then puts into production.
These developments - based on “virtual” commu-
nities of interest are interesting from various theo-
retical and policy points of view. One important
aspect is the question of alienation, i.e. the phenome-
non that the profit motive “perverts” the relationship
between the producer and the user of goods and
services. Under capitalism many in our role both as
consumers and producers (workers) often get the
feeling that we get/make an inferior product, less
adapted to our real needs (“preferences”) just because
the producer was constrained by short term profit
maximization. The producer has to save, has to
introduce “fashion” and product differentiation
Page 15
characteristics that do not contribute to satisfy our
“real” needs. As consumers we often have no other
practical option than to buy this “lousy” product -
gruntingly buy it.
For an economist like Karl Marx a major aspect
of how markets worked was clearly the tension
between the “private,” atomistic labor that had to be
socially accepted as “socially necessary labor”
through the market. What Marx and later Marxists
like Ernest Mandel clearly saw as a rather wasteful
process - a view also confirmed by the little there is of
empirical research of this topic. Von Hippel puts it
this way, “It is striking that most new products
developed and introduced to the market by manufac-
turers are commercial failures.” The “success rates”
are typically found to be between 20-30 % (2005, p.
108).
So this is a topic related, but different from the
issue of the Internet as a vehicle for democratization
of the more strictly political sphere of society, i.e. the
large literature on the possible role of the Internet for
broadening and deepening political democracy,
including how political parties and political move-
ments use the Internet. Parties and movements influ-
ence the material artefacts around us- including the
infrastructure (roads, trains, city- (non) planning) and
environmental standards, but seldom individual
products. That is where user-driven innovation comes
in.
The economic literature on user-driven
innovation
The literature on “user-driven” innovation is very
strongly influenced by main-stream, neo-classical,
static equilibrium, theory. The use of “economic
theory” in the singular is a problem in itself. It ex-
cludes the heterodox schools of thought in economics,
like evolutionary (Schumpeterian), post-Keynesian,
Marxian and feminist economics, just to mention
some of them. Mainstream, that is neo-classical
economic theory, builds on a set of unrealistic, static
first principles, among them a very narrow, “egoistic”
view of the fundamental motivational structure of
humans, the so-called homo economicus.
This theory has great difficulty in handling the
“altruistic” nature of interactive activities in general.
Such activities are an important part of Internet use.
The open source movement and community being the
most well-know and analyzed example but far from
the only one.
My core message is that it is necessary to use
other theoretical models/traditions in order to under-
stand such activities in general, and in order to pro-
mote such activities, among them also user-driven
innovation. There are various ways to actively use the
Internet to shape society for example by journalism or
user-driven innovation to the betterment for all of us.
It is the essence of being a Netizen
User-driven innovation – an old story
In Democratizing Innovation, von Hippel gives
several examples of how user-driven innovation has
been a topic of interest for several economists:
[Adam] Smith pointed out the importance of “the
invention of a great number of machines which
facilitate and abridge labor, and enable one man
to do the work of many.” He also noted that “a
great part of the machines made use of in those
manufactures in which labor is most subdivided,
were originally the invention of common work-
men, who, being each of them employed in some
very simple operation, naturally turned their
thoughts towards finding out easier and readier
methods of performing it.(2005, p.21)
And from the post WWII era:
Rosenberg (1976) studied the history of the US
machine tool industry and found that important
and basic machine types like lathes and milling
machines were first developed and built by user
firms having a strong need for them. Textile
manufacturing firms, gun manufacturers and
sewing machine manufacturers were important
early user-developers of machine tools. (2005, p.
22)
Users as the sources of innovation
As mentioned in the introduction, the starting
point is von Hippel’s recent book Democratizing
Innovation (2005). Von Hippel’s first major opus,
published in 1988, Sources of Innovation is also
downloadable with permission from Oxford Univer-
sity Press. In Sources of Innovation, von Hippel
described and discussed the role of users in the
making of innovations (1988, p. 4). He showed that
the users in domains like ‘Scientific instruments’ and
Page 16
‘Industrial gas using’ were either the source of inno-
vation or an important source. The users had often
made important modifications that were many years
ahead of commercial production. This is of course not
surprising, since it is the users who have an intimate
knowledge of their own needs, the problems with the
equipment, etc. So they can propose to the producer
improvements that will not only benefit themselves,
but also other users.
The role of users in innovation is an important
fact. By contrast, an important way of legitimizing the
very high income differentials for entrepreneurs
versus users that still exists is to present the entrepre-
neur as a kind of genius who actually invented the
process. What case studies show is that, the picture is
much more nuanced to say the least.
Bill Gates is one of the richest men on earth, but
neither he nor Microsoft is very impressive when it
comes to innovation or satisfying users’ real needs.
Most of us can point out clear defects with Windows.
Also the business strategy of Microsoft has always
been to price the product as high as possible by
creating artificial market segmentation (for example,
Home, Academic, Pro, Business Premium versions of
the same operating system) that has no economic
rationale. This market segmentation just creates
problems and makes users waste a lot of time on
products where very short term profit maximisation
clearly dictated how the product was developed.
VISTA is a good example - an operating system that
had few new real features, but quite a few new prob-
lems. That is of course why you have a “downgrade
to XP” option. This business strategy has stimulated
in opposition to it the open source movement - which
is a very systematic effort at collective,
well-organized user-driven innovation. The point
about Microsoft is not that it is particularly bad, but
that the logic of capitalist competition very often
makes a firm choose a business strategy like that of
Microsoft.
3
Apple has clearly been more adjusted to
user needs, but even it has to try to “lock-in” the
customers to its equipment, its software. Much more
could be said about this, but let me get back to
user-driven innovation using the bicycle as an exam-
ple.
The bike as an example of user-driven
innovation
The bike not only has a past. In an era of climate
change, it certainly has a future. Most of us have
become so used to the ‘diamond’ frame (DF) bicycle
that we can hardly think of anything else. But the DF
bike is not optimal aerodynamically or ergonomically.
Air resistance is the major problem for biking since
rolling friction can be made very small. Having a
more horizontal body position would reduce air
resistance. From the early days of biking there were
various “recumbent” designs with or without “fair-
ing.” A French inventor, George Mochet constructed
and a French cyclist, Francis Fauret in 1933 rode
these “horizontal” bikes to world records. The pro-
ducers of ordinary bikes intervened and the recum-
bent bike was prohibited by defining the competition
bike with certain standards. The recumbent bike
almost died out, but with oil price “shocks” in the
seventies and eighties, more interest in environmental
issues, the recumbent bike had a renaissance.
4
It is
obvious that both the sales of recumbent bikes and
their development were stimulated by the spread of
the Internet. To empirically quantify the importance
of the Internet is a difficult and demanding task. But
the reason why the recumbent has not become the
ordinary bike is that it has certain disadvantages
5
like
sitting low and uphill, manoeuverability in heavy city
traffic.
One solution would be to make a hybrid bike,
combining the advantages of the diamond frame,
so-called convertible recumbents. The pictures
illustrate this idea.
6
The convertible is built of stan-
dard, but in some cases modified bicycle parts.
Real life and homo economicus
User-driven innovation points to other types of
motives for innovative activities that are beyond the
Page 17
“egoistic,” “egoistic profit/utility maximizing behav
ior, points towards a truly democratic, ecological,
interactive way of organizing the production of goods
and services. It is necessary to underscore that these
motives or incentives, as most economists call them,
are not irrational in any sense. They are not contrary
to long run sustainable growth and its real and final
goal, more welfare creation. On the contrary, it is only
in a myopic profit maximizing perspective that these
“altruistic” types of behavior can be considered
irrational or sub-optimal. Ordinary economic models
(market cross) cannot even be called myopic, since
actually they do not have any time dimension, they
are static.
I think that for modeling human behavior, a
model of what is rational is needed. Indeed most of us
have such a model internalized, since we are more
satisfied with some parts of actions than others, we
are more satisfied with the macro-social result of
some types of behavior than others. The point is that
a concept of rationality that has a real time perspec-
tive includes that obvious fact that life is a continuous
learning process because we do not have global
perfect information.
One obvious aspect of this learning process is
that some products and firms are failures. If there was
anything close to perfect information, no product
would be a failure, no firms would go bust. Some of
the firms that go bust clearly do so because they
misjudge the real needs of the customers. But often
the anarchistic nature of capitalist competition and
profit maximization means that there is too much
productive capacity created as everybody tries to be
first to market - to create a (quasi-) monopoly, i.e. get
the largest possible market share.
Von Hippel writes:
It is striking that most new products developed
and introduced to the market by manufacturers
are commercial failures. Mansfield and Wagner
(1975) found the overall probability of success
for new industrial products to be only 27 percent.
Elrod and Kelman (1987) found an overall
probability of success of 26 percent for consumer
products. Balachandra and Friar (1997), Poolton
and Barclay (1998), and Redmond (1995) found
similarly high failure rates in new products
commercialized.
Although there clearly is some recycling of
knowledge from failed projects to successful
ones, much of the investment in product develop-
ment is highly specific. This high failure rate
therefore represents a huge inefficiency in the
conversion of R&D investment to useful output,
and a corresponding reduction in social wel-
fare.(2005, p. 108)
It is quite clear that increasing the rate of success-
ful products would result in increased welfare produc-
tion. This is not taking into consideration successful
products that we buy, but actually would have liked to
be quite different like Microsoft windows!
Microsoft is a commercial success, but not a welfare
success.
The great surprise…sharing information!
The obvious answer to the failure of firms and
products would be to have mechanisms of informa-
tion sharing, a dialog on how to best develop the
product so that it would satisfy real needs. Von
Hippel writes:
The empirical finding that users often freely
reveal their innovations has been a major surprise
to innovation researchers. On the face of it, if a
user-innovator’s proprietary information has
value to others, one would think that the user
would strive to prevent free diffusion rather than
help others to free ride on what it has been devel-
oped at private cost. Nonetheless, it is now very
clear that individual users and user firms-and
sometimes manufacturers often freely reveal
detailed information about their innovations.
The practices visible in “open source” software
development were important in bringing this
Page 18
phenomenon to general awareness. In these
projects it was clear policy that project contribu-
tors would routinely and systematically freely
reveal code they had developed at private ex-
pense. (2005, p. 9, my emphasis)
An alternative approach theories of
alienation
In my opinion the reason why this “sharing of
information” comes as a surprise to innovation
researchers is because the dominant paradigm in
economics is utterly static and atomistic. The reason
why economics uses the specific type of mathematical
model it uses is because only under such extreme,
non-scientific conditions can a set of pro-market,
neo-liberal “results” be proven mathematically.
Mainstream theory is a clear example of the SCOTh
7
(Social Construction Of Theory). The founding
fathers did not want the theory to be that abstract, but
every trace of real life had to bee weeded out in order
to prove these “results.”
I will here briefly outline an alternative approach,
just to show that the question of what kind of theory
one approaches the user-driven innovation phenome-
non with matters. I will use the concept of alienation.
Alienation has a long history. Originally ii was a
religious concept, the tragic fate of man on earth,
alienated from the “real” heavenly existence. Accord-
ing to Ernest remolded (1970), it was a theme in
classical Greek/Roman philosophy. In modern times
Hegel “secularized” the concept, relating it to “alien-
ated labor” (needs outstrip what labor can produce
since it produces new needs) and as “Entäusserung”
“externalization.” Marx remolded the Hegelian
concept of alienation and pointed to new forms of
alienation, alienation from the state as a hostile
institution, loneliness as alienation created by a
competitive “winner takes all” society and alienation
of humans from the means of production, means of
creativity – a historically new phenomenon (Mandel,
The causes of Alienation). From this perspective
being creative (innovating) together is overcoming
alienation – becoming more human getting back to
the community way of doing things that are “in our
genes” - and not as a theoretical surprise.
A surprise…for mainstream economics.
One example on how hard mainstream econom-
ics struggles to incorporate the “altruistic” (I would
say rational) nature of Internet-aided, user-driven
innovation, can be seen in an article from Research
Policy 2003 with the title, “How communities support
innovative activities: an exploration of assistance and
sharing among end-users” (Nikolaus Franke and
Sonali Shah). The case studies in this article are taken
from diverse sports communities: sailplanes, canoe-
ing, boardercross (snowboard competition), and
handicapped cycling but of course there are many
more. The origin of such online communities is the
“newsgroups” on the Internet, which in the early
years were mainly related to ICT, programming,
programming languages, etc. Over the years (mid
eighties to late nineties) newsgroups expanded expo-
nentially both in quantity and scope. For those of us
that have struggled with programming problems and
bug-full software, the newsgroups were just fantastic.
In minutes you could have the solution, or a good hint
that saved you days of desperate debugging. The
mutual benefit in such groups is evident so that even
the most experienced programmers read and re-
sponded to the newsgroup posts. Once upon-a-time
anyone online could get freely given advice. No
human is all knowing. We are not experts in all
domains. In some we are experts (responders), in
others we are novices that ask for help. With the
development of HTML, browsers, FAQ-pages,
knowledge banks the newsgroups are no longer the
only source of freely available help.
But our innovation researchers Nikolaus Franke
and Sonali Shah seem to be unfamiliar with the ideas
behind the creation of the Internet. Because to them
The hydrofoil kayak. (If you were thinking of developing one, you
will find the state of the art on the Internet – and possibilities for
sharing of ideas, drawings, etc.
Page 19
“... the existence of generalized exchange is some-
what of a puzzle, because any member of the ex-
change system can free-ride since there is no guaran-
tee of reciprocity” (p. 173). Not only is that the case
but the traditional “egoistic” explanations of
“free-revealing” and assistance like:
! Induce further improvements from others
(which one then can egoistically benefit from)
! Setting my “egoistic” standard - benefitting
me more than the others
! Reputation effects
! Low rivalry/competition context
do not stand up to critical scrutiny of these suc-
cessful communities, even when we are talking about
products with a clear commercial potential. Franke
and Shah find that a cause that is “overlooked” in the
traditional theoretical framework is “the fun and
enjoyment that arise through engagement in the task
and in the community. From this perspective, the
individual does not view the participation and contri-
bution as a cost that has to be compensated. Rather
these activities are enjoyable in and of themselves.”
(p. 173) This is not surprising from an alienation point
of view. Modern life, where most products around us
are too often “one size fits all” due to the extreme
attention to short term profit maximisation leaves
little room in our lives for our own creativity. We feel
“big business” as an external, foreign and hostile
force. By participating in communities of innovation
we increase welfare by better products and we
overcome our alienation by shaping the material
artefacts around us and by working together, instead
of the “bellum osmium contra omens” which is not
only the ideal of mainstream economics, but also the
ethos of our times. The authors further state that
“competition decreases the flow of information… a
ski manufacturer is likely to be better off monitoring
a community of ski fanatics than a group of World
Cup racers” (p. 175) so competition is not
always the driving force for innovation/progress.
Quite the contrary. What is even more “surprising” is
that “the communities do not appear to operate like
traditional reciprocal exchange markets” (p. 171).
Time does not allow me to discuss how they really
work, but overcoming the alienation of and between
user and producer is certainly a key issue. To develop
the critique of main-stream economics is also impor-
tant as a first step.
Further research
I have not touched upon how Internet-based
user-driven innovation could be supported by a
fraction of the cost of the current “bail-out packages”
yet another example of how resources are systemati-
cally wasted under capitalism. There are also more
collective innovations to make - for example stan-
dardization of mobile phone chargers, lap-top charg-
ers where the logic of capitalist competition result
in a lot of wasted resources, a lot of wasted time and
a lot of frustration for the users. There is a range of
topics connected to users as “Watch-dogs” for prod-
uct quality, safety and sustainability – that would be
an important role – even in a society where the logic
of profit maximization would not dominate - because
technology is always socially constructed and a male,
white, high education world view might be too
dominating. There is still a lot to do when it comes to
empirical research on the specific role of the Internet
– what does the medium, the Net mean – a method-
ological difficult question since we do not have any
ex ante bench-mark. But maybe is that not needed,
one could create one today and then try to see if
support of Internet based user-driven innovation made
any difference. I am quite convinced it would.
Anyhow my main point here was that from
alienation theory perspective user-driven innovation
generally is not a theoretical problem, on the contrary
concrete examples show the possibility, the direc-
tion to take in order to find a way to make a more
human, less competitive society, with more welfare,
more equality and fewer lousy products. In short, a
society where the active and innovative collaborative
Netizen homo neticus and not the egoistic,
short-sighted homo economicus is the theoretical and
practical role model of the social sciences.
Notes:
1. Homo economicus, or Economic human, is the concept in
some economic theories of humans as rational and broadly
self-interested actors who have the ability to make judgments
towards their subjectively defined ends. See for example:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homo_economicus
2. This book is freely downloadable at:
http://web.mit.edu/evhippel/www/democ1.htm under a ‘Creative
Commons License’ and is “Dedicated to all who are building the
information commons.”
3. For those who think that Microsoft is a monopoly as opposed
to “perfect” or “free” competition, see my paper “The Text-book
Myth of the Monopoly case” presented at Association of
Heterodox Economics conference, 2006.
Page 20
4. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Recumbent_bicycle#History
5. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Recumbent_bicycle#Disadvantages
6. See also:
http://revver.com/video/439960/switchbike-wwwfreshcreationnl/
7. See Wiebe Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites and Bulbs: Toward
a Theory of Sociotechnical Change (Inside Technology Series)
(Hardcover), where the SCOT (Social Construction Of Technol-
ogy) approach is outlined and illustrated by case studies.
[The following is an entry by Axel Bruns on his blog
at
http://snurb.info/node/881. In the entry Bruns
summarizes the Netizen panel at the IR9.0 conference
in Copenhagen.]
Report on Panel Session
held on Oct 17, 2008
by Axel Bruns from his blog
Netizens and Citizen Journalists
around the World
The post-lunch session here at AoIR 2008 begins
with a paper by Ronda Hauben. She notes that 2008
is the fifteenth anniversary of the publication of
Michael Hauben’s seminal article on the ‘Netizen’
concept a concept emerging from Michael’s re-
search that spread rapidly and widely, and (especially
in Asia) still has a great deal of currency. The concept
had a great deal to do with the fight against commer-
cialization of the Net which was prominent then;
today, for the same reason the concept has been
suppressed to some extent by those interested in a
more commercial Internet.
The Netizen idea provides a bottom-up frame-
work; the top-down model of information is no longer
the only model for news, it suggests, and this can give
voice to a greater section of society. This ties into
older ideas of the press as a watchdog over govern-
ment, but (enabled by technology) positions everyday
Netizens rather than professional journalists as such
watchdogs. South Korea is an interesting example for
such trends: in 2002, Roh Moo-Hyun was elected
president largely because of Netizen activism, and in
2004, a drive to impeach him was defeated for similar
reasons.
This year (2008), there have been extensive
candlelight demonstrations in protest against the
government; the first of these were called by middle-
and high school girls, creating a “Candle Girl Army,”
and to some extent these were directed in the first
place against a new import deal for U.S. beef (some
of which did not meet U.S. food quality standards),
but they also tie into an underlying impeachment
drive against the current president. Much of this also
connects to the OhmyNews Pro-Am citizen journalism
phenomenon, of course – and some of these demon-
strations were Webcast live by a new sub-division,
OhmyTV.
The presence of self-declared Netizens in such
events is palpable remarkably, there are people with
laptops (sometimes wrapped in plastic to protect them
against tear gas and water cannons) at the demonstra-
tions, doing live DIY Webcasting using the wireless
and mobile Internet connections which are ubiquitous
in South Korea. One particularly notable demonstra-
tion involved the presidential palace which had been
surrounded by a ring of sand-filled containers (de-
scribed ironically by demonstrators as Myungbak
Castle, with its own Wikipedia entry); there were
lengthy online and face-to-face discussions amongst
demonstrators about whether to scale these walls and
enter the protected zone, again showing the important
role of Netizens in these events.
Jay Hauben is next, and shifts our focus to the
role of Netizens in China. Internet adoption in the
country is growing rapidly, of course, with some 43
million more users coming online only this year.
Some 60 million users are active contributors to
forums and chat rooms, and it is amongst this group
that Netizens can be found and that, as Michael
Hauben wrote, a new electronic commons is forming.
In Chinese language, in fact, there is a distinction
between wang min (Net users) and wang luo gong
min (Networked citizens, or Netizens) - but this is
often lost in translation.
One case in which Netizens made their presence
felt was the 2003 death of Sun Zhigang, a student
who was falsely identified as an urban vagrant,
detained by police, and died in custody after what
turned out to be a brutal beating. This issue was raised
on an online forum for media professionals in China,
and taken up by journalists on the forum; a report was
finally published in the South Metropolitan Daily
newspaper and various online news portals, and
generated a great deal of online discussion and
protest. Various other online sites were created
(gathering news reports, reports about police brutality,
or creating online memorials to Sun), People’s Daily
Page 21
reported about the case and published selected
Netizen comments, and some three months after the
death 12 police were convicted for their actions in the
death; shortly later, the 20-year-old anti-vagrancy
measures were abolished, too.
Another incident occurred in the same year, when
a tractor accidentally scraped a businessman’s BMW,
and the wife of the businessman drove into a crowd of
locals in retaliation. The driver received only a
suspended sentence, however, as many witnesses had
been bribed by the businessman. This case, too, was
taken by Netizens, and generated some 320,000 posts
on one portal alone; there was substantial discussion
about the growing gap between rich and poor, the
corrupt judicial system, and related issues. It also
expanded to a broader discussion about the overall
direction of change in China.
However, while a new investigation was prom-
ised, discussion and coverage of the incident was
ultimately removed and forbidden by the government,
and a retrial did not lead to a different outcome. Here,
then, Netizen power did not have a direct positive
outcome; at the same time, however, there may be
underlying effects, and there is some indication that
there were broader, less immediate and longer-term
policy changes which may have been driven by this
and similar cases.
Ulla Rannikko is next, and takes us (in part) to
Finland. She begins by pointing out discussions of a
crisis of democratic journalism, and the related
criticism of the quality of the mainstream media.
Additionally, the media are struggling to maintain
their profit margins, and journalism is being
de-professionalized by the rise of alternative journal-
ism and media activism. Citizen journalism (which
may be online or offline) is seen to offer a partial
solution to such challenges.
Citizen journalism is described by Bowman &
Willis as ideally providing “independent, reliable,
accurate, wide-ranging, and relevant information”
a tall order that it may never necessarily deliver on;
however, this shopping list of adjectives may not
provide the only definition of citizen journalism. Ulla
contrasts the views of Dan Gillmor and Andrew Keen
here, and extracts from this the realization that citizen
journalists need Internet access, appropriate tools,
motivation, skills, and support for their work they
do not simply emerge fully formed.
What is required of citizen journalists, then? Ulla
draws on interviews with citizen journalists at a
Finnish Indymedia site and OhmyNews International:
they should aim, they say, at a quality similar to that
of conventional journalism, but provide different
points of view from the mainstream media; journalis-
tic skills are hardly different from those of ‘profes-
sional’ journalists, but they are put to somewhat
different uses.
The two sites orchestrate such work differently,
of course; citizen journalism in OhmyNews is clearly
editor-assisted, while Indymedia practices a form of
direct, unedited publishing which is moderated only
for severe infringements against a set of basic stan-
dards. Indymedia provides no training for citizen
journalists, and has only basic guidelines for partici-
pants, while there are a code of ethics and style
guidelines for OhmyNews contributors. Editors on the
latter site are there to help the citizen reporting
process along. Additionally, of course, the Finn-
ish-language nature of this specific Indymedia site
limits the availability of a large community of partici-
pants.
Overall, then, there is a need for appropriate
support and guidelines for citizen contributors; this
may increase quality and in turn also the appeal of
citizen journalism. The challenge is to develop a
responsible and sustainable form of citizen journal-
ism.
Finally, we move on to Anders Ekeland, who
focuses on user-led innovation in Denmark. He points
to the literature discussion the role of the Internet in
democratic and policy-making innovation, as well as
to literature on user-driven innovation which still
works with a number of relatively old-fashioned
concepts that have a hard time dealing with the
altruistic nature of many forms of online collaborative
efforts. So, there is a need also to look to other
theoretical traditions.
Adam Smith noted that many early machines
were the inventions of common workmen; this is a
clear case of what von Hippel called innovation by
lead users. In many cases discussed by von Hippel,
users are either the or at least a source of innovation
– the term ‘consumer’ certainly does not apply here.
The Internet is especially instrumental here in the
formation not only of information, but of innovation
communities.
There are many implications of this. To begin
with, if users are (co-) innovators, then the income
generated from such innovations should be more
widely shared; if user-led innovation leads to fewer
Page 22
commercial failures, then governments should support
such processes; if user participation is driven by
non-egotistical motives, then this points to the poten-
tial for a democratization of innovation.
Indeed, the prevalence of ‘free revealing’ of
innovation has been a major surprise for innovation
researchers (as it is usually seen as encouraging free
riding) revealing perhaps more about the mind set
of the researchers and the limitations of existing
theory than about the user-innovators who engage in
such sharing. Open source has been instrumental in
bringing this phenomenon to wider attention.
Anders suggests that one way of overcoming this
theoretical impasse is to draw from philosophical
approaches which describe the phenomenon as a way
of overcoming alienation through the formation of
innovation communities. Market forces may be not as
important drivers here as non-market forces and
indeed, strong competition reduces the likelihood of
collaboration and learning from one another. The
Netizen or homo neticus, rather than the egoistic,
short-sighted homo economicus, may provide a better
theoretical role model.
[The following is a report from the IR9.0 Conference
in Copenhagen in Oct 2008. The original appeared in
Danish on the citizen journalism website:
http://flix.dk. The URL for the original is:
http://www.flix.dk/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=5135.
The translation is by the author.]
Report from Copenhagen
IR9.0
By Erik Larsen
When young youth house activist in the spring of
2008 demonstrated for a new youth house
(ungdomshus) in Copenhagen they used cell phones
and the Internet so intelligently that you might label
it ‘a new cultural practice within cyberactivism’. That
was the conclusion reached by Christie Stauning
Andersen and Lotte Lund Larsen, two students who
followed the activists and their use of IT closely as
part of their studies in Design, Communication and
Media at the Danish IT University (ITU) in Copenha-
gen.
A report by Larsen and Andersen on the subject
was presented at the conference Internet Research 9.0
(its tag is IR9) titled ‘Rethinking Community Re-
thinking Space’. This was part of the 2008 annual
meeting of IT researchers from all over the globe,
organized by the Association of Internet Researches
(AoIR). The meeting took place over three days,
October 16-18, 2008, at the ITU in Copenhagen.
Andersen and Larsen kept close contact with and
interviewed young people from the ‘Ungdomshus’
(Youth House) movement* during and after the
massive demonstrations in the streets of Copenhagen
in Spring 2008. The two researchers thoroughly
analyzed the chain SMS messages, web sites and mail
correspondence related to Ungdomshus movement.
Their report reveals a surprisingly high level of
organization, creativity and discipline in the way the
young people had used the digital tools – or weapons
– during their struggle.
The report reveals sets of unwritten rules which
streamline and optimize the communication flow
between group members and between the activists
and the press/society at large. One such rule is that
you don’t change the text of a chain SMS message –
this would damage the cell phone distribution sys-
tem’s value as a reliable and cheap mass communica-
tion media. The researchers also revealed that people
in the network all knew the names and numbers of
certain key people who held the cheapest SMS
subscriptions. These were the first ‘nodes’ when a
chain SMS message was released and in turn insured
that messages were distributed to as many people as
possible. Chain SMS and the unwritten rules for good
cell phone traffic was one of the reasons why the
activists on multiple occasions were able to mobilize
significant crowds quickly and efficiently in any
given place or time.
The activists were also found to be extremely
smart Internet users. Flyers and invitations for dem-
onstrations and actions were distributed via the
MySpace social networking system. Campaign
material of different kinds were produced through a
collaborative effort based on a very simple yet highly
effective piece of collaboration software – the activ-
ists used one single Gmail account edited collabor-
atively by all group members who would share a
single username and password. Leaflets, flyers,
translations and much more was stored in the drafts
folder of the account and were produced, edited and
released by a group of people working together
independently of time and place.
Page 23
The activists finally got what they fought for – a
new ‘Ungdomshus’ but to cyberactivists in other
parts of the world there are more abstract yet ulti-
mately important prizes at stake: The young democ-
racy in South Korea is hanging by a thread and in
China there is a growing pressure from the citizens
for greater influence and the right to criticize authori-
ties. In both countries IT is shaping the very identity
of activists and to a large extent defining their range
and choice of action, and in both countries cyber-
activists call themselves ‘netizens’ – a word coined
by the Internet pioneer and researcher Michael
Hauben in the late 80s (by fusing net and citizens).
IR9.0 had invited Michael Hauben’s parents,
Internet researchers Jay and Ronda Hauben based at
Columbia University in New York. With a keen
interest in cyberactivism the Haubens have followed
the development among netizens in South Korea and
China closely and have visited both countries several
times.
Ronda Hauben opened her presentation at IR9.0
with quotes from the 1997 book Netizens: On the
history and impact of Usenet and the Internetwhich
she co-wrote with Michael Hauben. In the book
Michael Hauben reflects on his research into the
discussion and knowledge sharing culture which
flourished in the 80s on the Usenet:
“We are seeing a revitalization of society,” he ex-
plained. “The frameworks are being redesigned from
the bottom up. A new, more democratic world is
becoming possible.”
The vision of the Internet as a potential tool for
democratic renewal was nearly drowned out by the
dot.com craze around 2000 and the promising re-
search of Michael Hauben stopped prematurely when
he died in 2001 from the consequences of a traffic
accident. But the Netizen concept had a strong come-
back when South Korean Netizens with the citizen
reporting newspaper Ohmynews.com as the unifying
media platform became an important factor for the
choice of the reformist president Roh Moo-Hyun in
2002.
Using photo documentation, Ronda Hauben
showed how something resembling a culture revolu-
tion took place in South Korea in the spring of 2008.
The backdrop for the events: The country’s newly
elected president, the conservative Lee Myung-Bak,
had tightened his grip on the media of South Korea
and had step-by-step begun to dismantle the fragile
democracy which the South Korean population gained
after massive demonstration and fights culminating in
1987.
Lee Myung-Bak became particularly unpopular
when visiting George Bush in U.S.A. in April 2008 he
gave the green light for South Korean import of
American beef some of which was restricted by U.S.
regulation from being sold in the U.S. This caused an
uproar in parts of the population and became the
launch-pad for the so-called ‘Candle-Girl Army’ an
army of schoolgirls who marched with lit candles
through the streets of Seoul, protesting against school
food which they feared might be infected with mad
cow disease.
On June 10, 2008, thousands went on the street
protesting against President Lee Myung-Bak. He
reacted by immediately blocking access to the Presi-
dential Palace (Blue House) in a baroque fashion. He
ordered 40 containers filled with sand and stacked
upon each other, welded together and tied to poles in
the ground to be placed between the Blue House and
the area of the demonstrations. Grease was poured
over the entire construction to prevent activists from
climbing over it.
Demonstrators spent hours discussing on a
speaker’s stage and on online flora the next move.
They agreed to climb on top of the bizarre road block,
but instead of climbing over and confronting the
police who were behind the barricade to attack with
unconventional weapons. They launched a battery of
online satire ridiculing the monstrous presidential
road-block device which was dubbed ‘Myung-Bak
Castle’ and laconically labeled ‘South Korea’s tourist
attraction number 0.’
For 100 days Seoul was the arena for a public
rebellion where tens of thousands went on the street
in peaceful demonstrations highlighted by subtly
orchestrated ‘happening’ attacks on police and
‘Myung-Bak Castle’ with music, happenings and
street theater all being coordinated by netizens using
online fora: The battle was discussed and planned
step-by-step online before the IRL [In Real Life]
execution.
The happening-like events and demos were
followed by video activists and via cell phones and
sent by portable computers to the TV station
OhmyTV.com and online video stream distribution
servers. On these websites, all of South Korea could
follow the events in real-time.
Ronda Hauben concluded that the June demon-
stration/festivals won a clear victory for the demon-
Page 24
strators in terms of PR and moral. She underlined the
fact however that the situation in the country is still
tense and that Lee Myung-Bak has shown earlier that
he is willing to use brutal force against South Korean
citizens.
In Jay Hauben’s presentation on the same panel
focus was turned towards the growing Netizen move-
ment in China a country where the distribution of
the Internet is growing explosively. It is estimated
that more than 253 million Chinese were online in
July of 2008 and more than 100 million of these are
reading online fora. It is from these online fora that
Jay Hauben has collected examples of the Chinese
netizens raising critique against the Chinese govern-
ment and authorities.
A student from the Wuhan province, Sun
Zhigang, died in 2003 while in police custody. He had
been detained for not being able to show ID papers.
One of his friends wrote to an online forum fre-
quented by Chinese media people and asked for
media support to investigate the matter fully.
The police claimed that Zhigang died from a
heart attack but this explanation didn’t fit with all the
signs of beating and violence which were obvious
from the coronary papers.
A journalist from the newspaper South Metropol-
itan Daily brought the case to the public both offline
and online. Before long, all the details of the case ran
like a fire through Chinese web fora and more people
came forward with examples of police brutality. The
citizen and netizen commotion resulted in 12 police-
men and detainees being arrested for lethal violence.
An online petition against the rules for police
detainment was gathered and sent to the National
People’s Congress. The central government removed
the detention law and issued a revised system that no
longer allowed for arrest or involuntary holding of
migrants or others without proper ID papers.
Jay Hauben mentioned another episode which
happened in Harbin, the capital of the Heilongjiang
province, in 2003. By accident a tractor made a
scratch in a BMW owned by businessmen. In a rage
over the incident the businessman’s wife drove the car
directly into a crowd of local peasants.
One was killed and 12 wounded but the court
case which followed the event ruled that it was an
accident and the driver of the BMW was released. It
was later revealed that the witnesses to the event had
been paid off by the businessman. Two days after the
court case a post popped up at the national web forum
Strong Nation Forum entitled “Attention: BMW Kills
Peasant.”
Within a short time 70,000 comments were
posted in response to the original post and the nation
wide online debate quickly turned towards general
issues such as the different treatment of the rich and
poor in China and corruption in the court system.
When the case finally was mentioned in the print
media, with an assurance from authorities that the
case would be reopened, one netizen reaction was
skepticism: “Why should we trust government offi-
cials?” the title of one post read.
The government eventually shut the case down
completely when it deleted more than 300,000 com-
ments on Chinese web fora. The reprise court case
reached the same conclusion as the first.
Jay Hauben argued that the Chinese Netizen
movement is a potentially important phenomenon in
the development of democracy in China.
The BMW case didn’t yield any actual result for
the offended Netizens but according to Jay Hauben
the underlying effect should not be underestimated.
He mentioned that the Chinese government has
admitted that the debate about SARS in web fora was
actually helpful for the country and that China has
begun to challenge government officials on all levels
to take active part in debates on the web.
From SMS chain messages and collaborative
Gmail accounts in Copenhagen, Netizen TV in Seoul
and system critical comments on Chinese web fora
cyberactivism is here to stay. In Asia the Netizen
movement has become a key element in the fight for
direct democracy – which the Hauben’s have missed
in their home country U.S.A. since in 1964 when for
the first time they walked side by side in a demonstra-
tion against the Vietnam War. It was an era where
SMS chain messages, Gmail accounts and web fora
were activist tools beyond the wildest imagination.
Today’s means of protest may be digital but the
goal remains the same. “The critical students move-
ment in which we were active from the beginning of
the 60s viewed republicanism and representative
democracy as a derailment of direct democracy which
was envisioned by U.S.A.’s founding fathers,” says
Jay Hauben who believes that U.S.A. could learn
something from the South Korean Netizen methods
and involvement.
“Democracy in U.S.A. works to the extent that
people have succeeded in fighting and sometimes
even winning important battles against government
Page 25
policy at certain points, but the political system we
have now does not represent the people,” says Jay
Hauben. Hauben, who categorizes himself as a
participatory democratic, is baffled by the massive
Danish media coverage of the McCain and Obama
presidential campaigns, since it “doesn’t really make
any difference if one or the other wins,” he says.
*For background information about the ‘Ungdomshus’ conflict
in Copenhagen, see:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ungdomshuset
[In response to questions from Radio Austria
International (ORF), Ronda Hauben reviews how she
and Michael Hauben came to write and get the book
Netizens: On the History of and Impact of Usenet and
the Internet published. Below are her answers to
questions sent to her via e-mail by Guenter Hack, an
editor at ORF. The occasion was the tenth anniversary
of the book.]
One Decade of the
Net Citizen
ORF: How did Michael and you get the idea for the
book Netizens?
Ronda Hauben: In 1992 Michael and I had just
gotten access to Usenet even though we had known
about it for a while. (Usenet is an online forum. See
Chapter 10 of Netizens.)
Michael began posting articles on Usenet that he
was writing as part of his research as an undergradu-
ate college student about the social impact and the
history of the Net.
Little was known among the Net community at
this time about the history of the Net, and there was
little research or writing about the social impact of the
Net. People who were online were excited by the
experience they were having online and eager to
understand it better.
Michael’s research, especially about the experi-
ence of users online was pioneering at the time. Some
of the earliest articles Michael posted were “The
Computer As Democratizer” and “The Social Forces
Behind the Development of Usenet.” His articles were
welcomed by people online.
After reading some of what Michael posted, a
Canadian netizen, Phil Fleisher, who was then in
Ottawa, wrote Michael suggesting that there was a
need for a book length collection of articles from
various perspectives describing the important new
advance represented by the participatory interactive
nature of the global Internet.
In a parallel development I had been reading 17th
and 18
th
Century British economic works which
provided me with a framework to appreciate the
importance of communication in the economic
development of society. Once I had gotten onto
Usenet, I began to think about how it might be possi-
ble to apply the scientific framework I had found in
the economic works of writers like Sir William Petty
and others to try to document the significance of what
I was finding as the practice and historical founda-
tions of the Internet. I remember I was thinking of
writing a “Political Anatomy of the Net” after reading
Petty’s “Political Anatomy of Ireland.”
One day I received a review copy in the mail of
a print edition of a book that had been online about
how to use the Net. Books about the Internet were just
beginning to appear.
Michael and I thought it would be a good idea to
take Phil’s proposal seriously. It was worth our
contributing the work we were doing to a print edition
of Netizens. Around this time we approached a few
publishers and inquired if they would be interested in
a book. We soon learned that being able to put out a
print edition of the book we were proposing would be
much harder than we had anticipated because publish-
ers were promoting the commercialization of the
Internet, while our book was a challenge and critique
of such a change in the nature of the Net.
By Fall of 1993, I gathered the articles Michael
and I had been writing and put them together as a
collection of articles to be put online. We titled the
netbook, as we called it, “Netizens and the Wonderful
World of the Net.” We set a date in January of 1994
to have a book reading in honor of the online publica-
tion of the book. We posted a notice online and in a
local newspaper about the event. At the time we lived
in Dearborn, Michigan. Michael was then at Colum-
bia University in New York City as an undergraduate
student but was home for intersession. We had our
book launch at Henry Ford Community College on
January 12, 1994. Several people came to our event.
Michael read from the first chapter of the book “The
Page 26
Net and the Netizen.” We had some discussion about
the impact of the Net that Michael had documented in
his online research. Then we went to a computer with
Internet access and showed people who had come that
the book was online and how they could use ftp to
copy the book by downloading it to their computers.
Three months later, on April 24, 1994, I visited
Michael at Columbia University. Students in the
student chapter of the Association for Computer
Machinery (ACM) sponsored a book reading for us.
Michael and I both made presentations. There
was a lively discussion about what should be the
future direction for the Net. Should the emphasis be
on multimedia or participatory interactive develop-
ment? Students welcomed the book. I remember
visiting Michael after that and meeting students who
would ask if we had yet been able to get a print
edition of the book published.
This was an example of the continuing encour-
agement we got to keep up the effort to get a print
edition published of the book.
This was the period when there were a variety of
people coming online who saw the Internet as a way
to make their million dollar fortunes. For example,
some lawyers, who came to be known online as the
Green Card lawyers, posted an ad on many Usenet
newsgroups advertising their services. They were
greeted with much anger among netizens online who
took up to fight them and their spam.
Our online book was welcomed by netizens.
Steve Samuel, who I think lived in Canada, proposed
that we make a print edition and that he and others
online could take it to their local bookstores and ask
them to sell it. A netizen from Ireland offered to make
a Latex version of the book once we had a final
manuscript. Ron Newman, a U.S. Internet pioneer,
supported our efforts and let people know about the
book. He also encouraged us to keep up the efforts to
find a publisher.
Cal Woods, from Dublin, offered to put the text
into html which he did one weekend. We then had a
text version and an html version online.
It took us three more years to be able to get a
print edition of the book published. Our book focused
on documenting the scientific, public and participa-
tory nature of the Internet. During this period, the
books being promoted by U.S. publishers were those
books which were either “how to” books or books
which encouraged the commercialization of the
Internet. (The Green card lawyers had been given a
book contract for $40,000 to publish a book on how
to make millions using the Internet.)
At one point a publisher wrote me with an offer
to publish the book. His copy editor proceeded to
change the text. She took out sections where we
challenged the commercialization of the Internet and
replaced them with language promoting Internet
commercialization. When we objected, the publisher
threatened that we would never get the book pub-
lished in a print edition. We said we wouldn’t agree
to the changes. This publisher ended his offer to
publish the book.
Michael didn’t let this bad experience sidetrack
our efforts. He posted the table of contents of the
book online on some mailing lists and Usenet. He
received an e-mail from the IEEE Computer Society
publisher saying that if we really did have a manu-
script they would be interested in publishing the book.
The copy-editing and publishing process took
more than a year. Among the other people who stand
out during this period helping us to get the book
published were Jan Lee and Deborah Scherrer, who
were active in the IEEE Computer Society at the time.
Jan Lee was then editor of the IEEE Annals of Com-
puting encouraging us to get the research we had done
into print. Debbie was especially helpful as the IEEE
Computer Society Ombusperson helping us work
through problems when they developed in the pub-
lishing process. The book was finally published in a
print edition in May 1997. We had a book party
welcoming the publication on Bastille Day July 14,
1997 at a book store near Columbia. Michael and I
both read sections from the book. Our publisher came
from California and so did some friends from Michi-
gan.
Several Japanese colleagues helped to have the
book translated into Japanese so that a Japanese
translation appeared in a print edition in October
1997.
ORF: Who is a Netizen to you?
Ronda Hauben: This is a question that makes me
smile. It is quite amazing to see how the evolution of
“netizens,” that Michael discovered in his initial
research into the impact of the Internet in 1992,
continues to develop.
One quite fascinating example of netizens are the
young scientists of the scientific community in South
Korea who unmasked the fraud in the research papers
Page 27
of one of the most famous Korean scientists Hwang
Woo-suk.
The South Korean government gave great honors
to Professor Hwang for his stem cell research. The
highly regarded U.S. scientific journal Science had
published Professor Hwang’s papers. And there was
a fan club both online and offline supporting Profes-
sor Hwang and relying on his false promises of
medical breakthroughs to offer remedies for their
handicaps or diseases.
Yet the young scientists who participated in
online forums such as BRIC (Biological Research
Information Center), DC Inside (A photography web
site) and Scieng (the site of the Association of Korean
Scientists and Engineers) succeeded in not only
challenging the powerful forces who supported
Hwang, but also in spreading an understanding online
of the evidence of the fraudulent nature of Hwang’s
work.
In an article I wrote for OhmyNews 12/29/2005,
I proposed that these young scientists were the South
Korean “Netizens of the Year”
http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_vi
ew.asp?menu=c10400&no=266352&rel_no=1
Netizens in South Korea also made it possible for
a relatively unknown politician to win the presidency
of the country in 2002 based on the candidate’s stated
commitment to participatory government. Unfortu-
nately he did not live up to his promises.
I consider the work of Florian Roetzer and the
Telepolis community to be the activity of netizens. As
the editor and a journalist, Florian has created
Telepolis, which I consider to be a pioneering online
magazine created in 1996. Telepolis reports on news
events often not covered elsewhere. Even more
important, however, the online community who read
and contribute to Telepolis often have serious and
interesting discussions about the articles. Telepolis is
one example of an online publication that I would call
“netizen journalism.” This is a form of journalism
where those who are the staff of the publication and
its readers are active participants in the discussion of
the problems of our society.
There is a need for a journalism that is independ-
ent of the powers that be, of a journalism critical of
what those in power are doing. Journalism should be
able to expose the underlying but hidden motives and
interests behind the news. Too often journalists tell
the story those in power want to be told. The journal-
ists too often act as if they are the public relations
department for the powerful. Rarely do journalists tell
the news from the point of view of the powerless, of
those who are the victims of the abuse of power by
those in public office.
Telepolis publishes mainly in German. The url is
Journalists who write for Telepolis are encour-
aged to ask the questions and tell the news that no
other newspaper will support.
An important example is the set of articles by
Mathias Broechers published immediately after the
attacks on the World Trade Center in the U.S. on
September 11, 2001.
Three days later and continuing on a regular basis
for several months, Broechers wrote articles which
challenged the official U.S. government account of
how 9-11 had happened and who was responsible.
Broechers has said that only one or two other
newspapers were willing to publish one or two
articles challenging the official explanation of 9-11 at
the time, and no news media with the exception of
Telepolis was willing to publish the series of articles
he did.
The articles appearing in Telepolis raised serious
questions about the what was the role of the U.S.
government with regard to what had happened on
9-11.
Not only did Telepolis print a number of articles
challenging the official U.S. government explanation
of 9-11 and the lack of an investigation, but there was
a lively ongoing discussion and debate in the reader’s
forum section of Telepolis on the articles. Broechers
reports, also, that he received a number of e-mail
responses to his articles with leads and information
that were helpful for his ongoing series of articles.
A similar process has gone on with articles
appearing in Telepolis on other significant issues of
the times. For example, a series of articles appeared
in Telepolis challenging the U.S. government claim of
the existence of “weapons of mass destruction” as a
pretext for its invasion of Iraq. Articles on many
different events and problems, and on scientific and
technical developments are featured in Telepolis. The
Hungarian journalist John Horvath reports from
Hungary about the developments in Eastern Europe
for Telepolis. Other journalists write about events in
Palestine and other areas of Europe, Africa and the
Middle East. There has been a continuing series on
the domination of the U.S. government over the
management of the Internet’s infrastructure. In honor
Page 28
of the 10th anniversary of Telepolis, in March 2006,
a number of people wrote about their appreciation for
the work done by this pioneering online newspaper.
Some people now use the word netizen to refer to
anyone who is online. When Michael introduced and
used the word, however, he reserved the word to refer
to those who participate online not only for entertain-
ment or personal reasons but more importantly toward
contributing to a better world.
Actually Michael, describing netizens, wrote:
“Netizens ... are people who understand it takes effort
and action on each and everyone’s part to make the
Net a regenerative and vibrant community and re-
source. Netizens are people who decide to devote
time and effort into making the Net, this new part of
our world, a better place.” (Michael Hauben, Pref-
ace,” Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet
and the Internet) The Telepolis readers and staff are
one example of netizens.
ORF: Has it been easier to be a Netizen in the more
homogeneously populated Internet then it is now?
Ronda Hauben: Before the commercialization of the
Internet, there was a very supportive netizen commu-
nity that welcomed contributions and shared their
work and responded actively to the work of others.
The U.S. government’s privatization and commercial-
ization activities, however, gave support to those
elements who abused the Net and the online commu-
nity.
There was a very diverse population of people
online before the Internet was privatized on May 1,
1995. The fact that commercial activity was not
allowed, however, made the Net a more welcoming
environment than later after the commercialization.
ORF: For the book, you did extensive research on the
history of the Internet. Do you see some of the origi-
nal spirit of the Internet’s masterminds like J. C. R.
Licklider still around today?
Ronda Hauben: Yes.
It is not that I see something akin to the original
vision by people like J. C. R. Licklider now in any
individual person who stands out.
Instead, the spirit has become more diffuse and
spread out. It has become the challenge for netizens to
carry on the vision and figure out how to implement
it in the day to day developments that occur online
and off.
For example, the area that I particularly follow is
the area of how the Internet can help to create a
publicly oriented newspaper or other news media here
in the U.S. and else where around the world.
OhmyNews in South Korea and Telepolis in
Germany are examples of netizens utilizing the
Internet to make such a news media possible. While
there isn’t such a news media in the U.S. yet, there are
lots of efforts by people to make something happen.
For example, there was a scandal exposed during
the George W. Bush administration that bloggers had
been active bringing to public attention. That scandal
involved U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and
the decision to fire eight U.S. Attorneys, some of
whom were in the midst of politically hot criminal
investigations. (See especially TPM Muckraker
Similarly in the scandal involving Paul
Wolfowitz, the head of the world bank and the archi-
tect of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, there were anony-
mous comments put online by the staff at the world
bank that helped to document the frustration of people
who worked under him. The scandal involving him
was not only that he claimed to be requiring govern-
ments elsewhere to fight corruption while he used his
office to give large salaries to those who had a per-
sonal or political relationship to him, but also that he
geared the program of the World Bank toward the
Bush political agenda rather than toward a program
supporting economic development goals.
Similarly, in the situation with the mass killing at
Virginia Tech, there was at least one web site with
discussion about the problems in U.S. society that
lead to someone becoming so isolated and frustrated
so they can become a danger to themselves and
others. While much of the mainstream media used the
situation to discuss gun control, the online discussion
I found looked for an understanding of the social
problems in U.S. society that led to this tragedy.
While the mainstream U.S. media continues to
offer a very narrow set of news for people, netizens
are actively exploring how the Internet can help them
to bypass the mainstream U.S. media so that public
opinion and the public agenda become broadened to
represent the public interest, not the interest of the
powerful.
As Michael wrote in Netizens, the Net brings “the
power of the reporter to the netizen.”
He explained: “People now have the ability
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to broadcast their observations or questions
around the world and have other people respond.
The computer networks form a new grassroots
connection that allows the excluded sections of
society to have a voice. This new medium is
unprecedented. Previous grassroots media have
existed for much smaller-sized selections of
people. The model of the Net proves the old way
does not have to be the only way of networking.
The Net extends the idea of networking of
making connections with strangers that prove to
be advantageous to one or both parties.”
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/CompHum/spee
ch_acm.html
Michael was referring particularly to online
discussion groups.
The forms of discussion groups have expanded
now to include discussion on blogs, news articles and
other formats. But the achievement is the same.
The netizen has a power and is using it :-)
Licklider described the need for citizen involve-
ment in government decisions to help determine how
to support the continuing development of computer
technology. More significantly, Licklider proposes
that people will not be interested in government
processes until they have a means to participate in
those processes. He foresees how computer develop-
ments will provide such a means. He writes: “Com-
puter power to the people is essential to the realiza-
tion of a future in which most citizens are informed
about, and interested and involved in, the process of
government.”
This is a goal now particularly of those who are
trying to develop a new form of media, a media which
will provide for a more participatory and discursive
interaction between writers and readers.
Though this process is still young, it is develop-
ing and will develop more as the Internet spreads and
more people get access. Netizens are finding ways to
implement and spread the vision of a more democratic
society that the Net helps to make possible.
ORF: In February 2001, Google acquired Deja News’
archive of then 500 million Usenet messages, dating
back to 1995. I remember you opposing the deal and
questioning whether corporations could sell postings
like a commodity. What do you think of collaborative
websites a.k.a. web 2.0?
Ronda Hauben: I still feel that Google has an obliga-
tion to the online community with regard to what it
does with Usenet messages. After I wrote the article
in Telepolis about the problem with Google treating
Usenet postings as a commercial commodity, I was
invited to speak at Stanford and then at Google.
Afterward, I was told that someone from Google
would speak with me about what I saw as the prob-
lems, such as with Google making decisions about
what should happen with regard to Usenet
newsgroups and Usenet posts without having a
mechanism of input from users.
I made the effort to talk to the Google person I
was put in contact with. He asked me what I wanted
them to do. I said for a start not to claim that they
owned the copyright on Usenet posts. (Google put
their copyright notice on each post.) At the time the
person from Google ended the conversation with me.
Since then Google has made several changes with
regard to how they treat Usenet newsgroup posts.
Still, however, I don’t know of any mechanism that
exists for them to have substantial user input into their
decisions.
How Google treats Usenet newsgroups affects
Usenet, so it is important there be a mechanism for
input and discussion with users about this. In general
it is interesting that Google and some commercial
entities like Google seem to function without the
realization that they need to have solid means of
interaction and discussion with users with regard to
how their activities impact the user community.
So I was glad I tried to open up a process with
regard to this and that my article was printed in
Telepolis and I was invited to speak at Stanford and at
Google about the issues involved, but I was not happy
that this problem was not treated in a constructive
way by Google management.
You asked about web 2.0.
The term “web 2.0” seem to be used a lot and I’m
not sure exactly what it means.
In general it seems that this means the interactive
and participatory processes of collaborative network-
ing and multimedia.
This all was part of the early vision for the
Internet and its development, so to call this web 2.0
seems to be suggesting that this is a new development
or something particular to the web. It isn’t something
new, or particular to the web, so in that way the term
seems misleading.
Nevertheless it is good to have lots of people
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have access to the collaborative processes that the
Internet makes possible.
But it seems that perhaps what gets lost in the
web 2.0 formulation is that there is a social orienta-
tion intended as part of the early vision for the
Internet. The development of the net was projected as
the development of a public utility, and as an empow-
erment of the user for socially related purposes. I
don’t know if this is part of what is considered ‘web
2.0' or if ‘web 2.0' focuses mainly on the technology
and loses the social orientation of the vision guiding
the development and use of the technology. In any
case, the netizen is a concept that has maintained the
sense of a social orientation.
Also, an important part of the original vision for
the Net was that all who wanted access be able to
have access to the Internet at a low cost.
I do not know if this is part of what is considered
web 2.0. It is part of what Michael included when
developing the concept of the ‘netizen’. Many people
who wrote him in 1993 and 1994 wanted everyone to
have access to the Internet. The vision of widespread
accessibility of the Net was an important part of its
potential promise.
In the U.S. there seems little commitment on the
part of the government to the spread of broadband.
Recently (circa 2008) the U.S. ranking is given as
25th globally (at a household level) with respect to
the widespread availability of broadband access. See
for example:
ORF: There’s so much information in Netizens. It’s
a very dense and powerful text.
[The editors were happy to find online the following
tribute to Ronda Hauben one of the founding editors
of the Amateur Computerist.]
Ada Lovelace Day +1:
Honoring Ronda Hauben
posted by metaverse* (March 25, 2009)
Yesterday [March 24, 2009] was Ada Lovelace
Day, a day to honor women in technology**. When I
first heard about the event, I knew instantly who I
wanted to honor. Though we never met, this woman
helped inspire me to participate in the community that
is the Internet. I’d lost track of what she was doing
over the years, so I had to do some research, which of
course led to more research...so, I’m late.
So let me introduce you to an underappreciated
Internet visionary, one of the original Netizens:
Ronda Hauben. In her youth, Hauben worked in
Detroit at the world’s largest car factory, Ford Rouge.
As the story goes, Ford was sponsoring continuing
education classes in computer programming. Hauben
and others were outraged when the company canceled
the program in 1987. After an unsuccessful attempt to
revive the company-sponsored program, Hauben
launched The Amateur Computerist newsletter to
foster technology education among the workers. The
first issue (
came out on February 11, 1988, the 51
st
anniversary
of the Flint Sit-Down Strike. It declared: “We want to
keep interest alive because computers are the future.
We want to disperse information to users about
computers. Since the computer is still in the early
stage of development, the ideas and experiences of
the users need to be shared and built on if this tech-
nology is to advance. To this end, this newsletter is
dedicated to all people interested in learning about
computers.”
Sometime later, Hauben found Usenet news-
groups, and figured out early that collaboration and
participation among users were the key to the future.
In September 1992, the alt.amateur-comp newsgroup
was founded to circulate the electronic version of the
newsletter, which was: “dedicated to support for
grassroots efforts and movements like the ‘computers
for the people movement’ that gave birth to the
personal computer in the 1970s and 1980s. Hard
efforts of many people over hundreds of years led to
the production of a working computer in the 1940s
and then a personal computer that people could afford
in the 1970s. This history has been serialized in
several issues of the newsletter.”
A year later, Hauben delivered a speech on the
history and promise of Usenet, which may have been
my first acquaintance with her work.
Among the early stories The Amateur
Computerist published included one of the first
histories of Usenet in its Fall 1992 Supplement, “The
Linux Movement” and the Free Software Foundation
in Spring 1994, and more than a few basic (and
BASIC) programs for its readers to try out, much like
Dr. Dobb’s Journal.
Page 31
In 1994, Ronda and her son Michael released
Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and
the Internet for free on the web.
(
published by IEEE Computer Society Press. It offers
a terrific glimpse at the early history of the Internet,
and an important discussion of its promise that
remains largely relevant today; especially with the
increasing corporatization of the Net.
Today, Ronda is a citizen journalist living in New
York City. She is an award-winning United Nations
correspondent for OhMyNews International, and still
contributes articles on the democratic promise of the
Internet.
So go out and take a look at the complete Ama-
teur Computerist archives, and think about how you
can contribute to your online communities including
this one (
always appreciated.
Notes:
* Notes from the Metaverse is the mostly technology-related
weblog of Mike McCallister.
** Ada Lovelace Day is an international day of blogging to draw
attention to women excelling in technology. See:
http://findingada.com/
EDITORIAL STAFF
Ronda Hauben
William Rohler
Norman O. Thompson
Michael Hauben
(1973-2001)
Jay Hauben
The Amateur Computerist invites submissions. Articles
can be submitted via e-mail: [email protected]
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(U.S.). Send e-mail to [email protected] for details.
Permission is given to reprint articles from this issue in
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name of author and source of article cited.
The opinions expressed in articles are those of their
authors and not necessarily the opinions of the Amateur
Computerist newsletter. We welcome submissions from
a spectrum of viewpoints.
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