The Amateur
Computerist
http://www.ais.org/~jrh/acn/
Fall 2021 Toward a Second Netizen Book (Part 4b) Volume 34 No. 4b
Table of Contents
Forward . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Page 1
Doing Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 3
Netizens and the Vision for the Future of the Net . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 6
Netizen Journalism and the UN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 14
UN, China, Journalism in Era of the Netizen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 18
Netizens Expose Media Fabrications & Distortions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 28
Forward
This issue of the Amateur Computerist, Vol. 34 No. 4b, is the fifth
issue in a series, each containing articles that are the basis for possible
chapters for a second netizen book. The articles in this issue continue to
provide analysis and examples of an emerging new journalism, this time
focusing on journalism at the UN and journalism exposing media
fabrications in the context of the vision of the netizen role in the present
and the future.
The first article “Doing Democracy,” celebrates the introduction of
the concept of the netizen by Michael Hauben in 1993. In his essay, “The
Net and Netizens,” he identified and described the important role of the
online user in creating a new social institution, an electronic commons that
had come to be known as the Net. On the net, the previously isolated
individual could now communicate with and broadcast to others around
Page 1
the world, sharing news and views from a grassroots perspective. This first
article seeks a practical operational framework to explore the net and the
netizen as a model for democracy.
The second article applies the predictions of “The Net and Netizen”
to the ongoing struggle in South Korea for more democracy. Already in
2002-2003, netizens in South Korea were active in political struggles and
had helped elect a progressive president. By 2008, online discussions and
organizing led and supported more than 100 nights of candlelight demon-
strations, protesting the next president’s conservative plans especially the
importation of poorly inspected beef. Members of online cooking clubs,
music societies, fashion clubs, sports fan clubs etc., brought their online
communities offline to the candlelight political stage. Netizens brought
their laptops and did texting, live broadcasting and held online/offline
debates and discussions. The net and the netizens gave rise to new forms
of democratic expression, creating an online and offline public square.
The next two articles look at netizen journalism at the UN and about
global politics. They see an emerging alternative journalism in the era of
the netizen. This journalism is not tied to the national interest of the
dominant powers. It seeks instead to overcome the manipulation by those
powers of public opinion characteristic of the international mainstream
media. The net and netizens make possible a more serious attention to the
importance of facilitating an accurate channel of communication. By
revealing the actual forces at work, netizens are making it possible to have
a more accurate grasp of whose interests are being served and what is at
stake in the events that make up the news.
The final article, “China and Syria: Netizens Expose Media
Fabrications and Distortions,” gives two case studies. One is that of the
anti-CNN website, which took up to be a watchdog of international media
coverage of China. In the process of exposing the distortions prevalent at
the time of the Beijing Summer Olympics of 2008, the website developed
an international discussion format so the world would better know the real
China and Chinese people could better know the West. The widespread
online netizen exposure of distortions and bias in major examples of the
international mainstream media called into question for many Chinese
people their positive expectation about Western media.
The other case study examined reporting about Syria in Spring 2011.
Page 2
As in the case of anti-CNN, many net users realized that much of the so-
called documentation of Syrian government crimes was suspicious. Using
online search engines, original sources were found and posted to prove
that many reports of supposed “crimes of the Syrian government” were
distortions and fabrication. Often crimes were traced to the armed op-
position itself. The article concludes that the vision of netizens becoming
more and more a force in society continues to be relevant and powerful.
[Editor’s Note: The following article was written to celebrate the 10-year
anniversary of the first posting online in 1993 of “The Net and Netizens”.
The article below is reprinted from its publication in German and English
in the German online journal Telepolis on July 9, 2003. The English
version is at:
https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Doing-Democracy-
3430319.html.]
Doing Democracy
Reflections on the 10 year Anniversary
of the Publication of
“The Net and Netizens”
by Ronda Hauben
This is a period marked by serious political dissatisfaction around the
world. There is the promise of democratic societies, but the promise too
often is far removed from the reality of people's lives. Yet there is the
widespread yearning for a better world, for a society where democracy is
practiced, not merely pretended. In this situation the question is raised:
“What does democracy look like? How does it function? Are there any
operational models to observe and learn from?”
Fortunately, there is a model to be examined, a practice to be
investigated. Ten years ago, on July 6, 1993, a student, Michael Hauben,
1
posted a paper on the Net. The title of the paper was “Common Sense: The
Net and Netizens.” The first sentences:
Welcome to the 21
st
Century. You are a Netizen (Net Citizen),
Page 3
and you exist as a citizen of the world thanks to the global
connectivity that the Net gives you. You consider everyone as
your compatriot. You physically live in one country but you
are in contact with much of the world via the global computer
network. Virtually you live next door to every other single
netizen in the world. Geographical separation is replaced by
existence in the same virtual space.
It was a long paper so it was posted in three separate parts: Preface,
2
Paper,
3
Appendix.
4
The paper introduced a concept, which has since spread around the
world, both online and off (see also Netizens: On the History and Impact
of Usenet and the Internet).
5
This concept can provide a practical oper-
ational framework to explore a model for democracy. Describing how he
hoped to focus the paper, Michael Hauben wrote:
The Net and Netizens: A Revitalization of People Power, a
Strengthening of People Power. Bottom Up is the Principle of
this paper.
The interesting aspect of “The Net and Netizens” is that it identifies
and describes the important role of the online user in creating the new
social treasure that had come to be known as the Net. The net.citizen, or
netizen, as Michael Hauben writes, was the active agent in creating
something new, the democratic online content and form of the 1993
network of networks. The netizen contributed information and viewpoints
that made it possible to consider an issue or problem and come to a
reasoned judgment or decision. Netizens would help other netizens if they
deemed it worthwhile.
The initiative that was being developed was from the netizens
themselves. Examples included a mailing list by a person in Ireland
summarizing the weekly news and sending it out to over 1000 people
around the world who wanted to stay current with Irish news; Usenet
newsgroups like misc.news.southasia and soc.culture.india which made it
possible for people from an area to continue contact with what was
happening; a mailing list to watch the prices of gas in California to warn
against price gouging. There were many other examples that Michael
Hauben provided which he had learned from his research online.
The key aspect, however, of this new form of democracy, was that
Page 4
the previously disenfranchised reader could now broadcast to others
around the world, news and views from a grassroots perspective. Pre-
viously, there had been central control of the mass media. Now the
participant himself or herself, could provide information to the online
world about an event or an area of knowledge. Netizens also had the
ability to be citizen reporters, to offer a more wide ranging set of view
points and perspectives on issues or problems, a broader basis from which
to form one’s own opinion, than hitherto had been possible.
Netizens could meet online, discuss issues and problems, and from
the process decide on the goal or direction to pursue. Michael Hauben saw
this process as a way of revitalizing society, as a way that those previously
disenfranchised could gain power over both their society and over their
personal lives.
In this operating model of democracy, there were no elections or
representatives. Rather this embryo of democracy was focused on the
active participation and contributions of the many in a manner not hitherto
possible. Michael Hauben described some of the broad ranging ages and
occupations of the more than 10 million computer users who, by 1993,
were connected around the world. At the time the computer networking
connections were made possible by gateways between different networks,
like the scientific and educational Internet, the academic BITNET, the
technical research Unix UUCP and Usenet network, the Cleveland Freenet
for community people, and other networks.
While the netizen was an active contributor to the developing social
treasure, Michael Hauben realized the need to make it possible for
everyone to have access to this new communication paradigm to realize
its potential. He writes:
This complete connection of the body of citizens of the world
does not exist as of today, and it will definitely be a fight to
make access to the Net open and available to all. However, in
the future we might be seeing the possible expansion of what
it means to be a social animal. Practically every single individ-
ual on the Net today is available to every other person on the
Net . International connection coexists on the same level
with local connection. Also the computer networks allow a
more advanced connection between the people who are
Page 5
communicating.
Although the path was difficult, Michael Hauben also appreciated
the importance of the goal. He writes:
Despite the problems, for people of the world, the Net provides
a powerful way of peaceful assembly. Peaceful Assembly al-
lows for people to take control over their lives, rather than
control being in the hands of others. This power has to be
honored and protected. Any medium or tool that helps people
to hold or gain power is something special and has to be
protected.
The focus of democracy, as described in “The Net and Netizens,” is
on the people themselves, and on their ability and achievements in
determining the nature and development of their society. It is on support
for the ever increasing contributions of more of the populace in the
process.
Notes:
1.
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/.
2.
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/CS/Common_Sense1.txt.
3. http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/CS/Common_Sense2.txt.
4.
http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/CS/Common_Sense3.txt.
5. http://www.columbia.edu/~hauben/netbook/.
[Editor’s Note: The following is a slightly revised version of a presenta-
tion made to a Social Movements class at Barnard College in New York
City in Nov. 2017.]
Netizens and the Vision
for the Future of the Net:
A Special Moment and Netizens
in Candlelight 2008
by Ronda Hauben
Page 6
Part I – Context
First I want to offer a context for the origins and importance of “The
Net and Netizens; the Impact of the Net Has on People’s Lives,” an article
that became the basis for Chapter 1 of the book Netizens: On the History
and Impact of Usenet and the Internet. Then I will take a brief look at
netizen activity in the 2008 Candlelight demonstrations in South Korea.
The article and the chapter are a collection of some of the experi-
ences made possible by the Internet in what might be called the Dawn of
the Internet’s development. The author of the article, Michael Hauben is
also the co-author with me of the book. I will refer to this book as the
Netizens book in this talk. The book was first put online Jan. 12, 1994 and
then published in a print edition in May 1997.
In 1992-1993 Michael was an undergraduate student at Columbia
University and at the time he was interested in studying communication
and the potential impact of the Internet. In 1992, he enrolled in a course
in ethics and computer science. The professor wanted students to do a
project, which was not based on information from books.
The obvious possibility for Michael was to go online and try to
gather material about a question he was deeply interested in, which was
the impact that the Internet would have on society.
The Internet had been in the process of development for 20 years by
this time. But it was only in 1992-1993 that it was becoming accessible to
the public and connections were becoming available to people and
institutions around the world.
So this was, one can say, a special moment when Michael was able
to be online at Columbia University and able to do research for his class
using the Internet.
There is another aspect of this moment that is important to recognize.
The research process creating the Internet was in general a public process.
Public funds were used and during this period it was available free to those
with an educational purpose who had a means of connecting. Commercial
entities, during this period were restricted in what they could do online.
Michael’s use of the Internet fell within its education scope. In general
those online did not pay time or access charges for the time they were
Page 7
online. At the time, there were also commercial networks like Compuserve
where one did pay time charges for being online. But also the U.S.
government was claiming that in the next few years it would make the
Internet commercial and turn it over to private corporations.
In planning his project, Michael formulated a few questions and sent
them out online, via some different networks that were available and on
mailing lists he had access to. In the appendix to the book version of
Chapter I, there are copies of some of the questions Michael posted online
for his research.
Fairly quickly, he received a number of substantial email responses
to his questions. He gathered these, studied the content and then wrote the
article he called “The Net and Netizens: the Impact the Net has on
People’s Lives.”
Essentially what the “Net and Netizens” article does is document a
number of ways that the people who wrote to him had found the Net to be
a significant contribution to their lives.
As I remember this period, those of us who had gotten access to the
Net were busy exploring what this access would make possible.
For example, an Irish expat living in the England was able to keep
up with events in Ireland by reading a weekly newsletter sent out online
by a man who worked for a computer company in Galway. A music fan
in the U.S. was able to learn from the Internet about a Roger Waters
concert held in Berlin one week after the Berlin Wall came down and so
was able to go to Berlin in time for the concert. There were four computer
science researchers in different parts of the U.S. who were able to write a
research paper because of the connectivity the Net made possible. There
was a poem written by two people using the Net together, which one of the
authors described as “a surprisingly good poem.”
These are just a flavor of some of the different contributions to
people’s lives that the Net made possible which people online shared with
Michael via email or as comments on his posts.
There are two special aspects that he included in “The Net and
Netizens.” First is the reference to the vision for the Internet that was put
forward by JCR Licklider whom Michael calls a “prophet of the net.”
Licklider was a psychologist and computer scientist brought by the
Department of Defense’s research entity known as ARPA to be the head
Page 8
of its first “Information Processing Techniques Office” (IPTO). Essen-
tially, Licklider recognized the important role that the computer could play
in human communication. “When minds interact, new ideas emerge” was
one of his understandings that helped to guide the research for the
development of the Net. In a paper Licklider wrote with another re-
searcher, Robert Taylor, in 1968, they recognized the creative role of the
new forms of communication that the Net would help bring into being, and
the collaborative activity that these new forms of communication made
possible.
Another significant aspect of the “Net and Netizens” article is the
introduction and explanation of the new identity of the Netizen that had
emerged with the development of the Internet.
Remember, the article was written in 1992-1993. Yet it begins with
a prediction for the future in the new century that at the time was just a
few years away.
The article opens with the greeting:
Welcome to the 21
st
Century. You are a Netizen (a Net
Citizen), and you exist as a citizen of the world thanks to the
global connectivity that the Net makes possible. You consider
everyone as your compatriot. You physically live in one
country but you are in contact with much of the world via the
global computer network … .
It goes on to explain that the situation being described “is only a
prediction of the future, but a large part of the necessary infrastructure
currently exists….” And this new infrastructure would make possible
some important developments. Among these Michael proposed was that
“a new world of connections would be possible, from individual to
individual or from individuals to the collective mass of those on the Net.
The old model of distribution of information from a central network
broadcasting company was being questioned and even challenged. The
top-down model of information being distributed by a few for mass
consumption was no longer the only news. Now the formerly excluded
sections of society would have a means to have a voice.”
But for these developments to be realized, there would be the
struggle to make access to the Net open and available to all.
When Michael posted his articles like “The Net and Netizens,” he
Page 9
was greeted with encouragement. And the concept of netizen spread both
around the Net and then offline. For example one of the netizens writing
Michael was Philip Fleisser from Ottawa. He encouraged Michael to put
together his articles in a book and to gather other articles as well which
Phil tentatively titled “Readings on the Emergence of a Better World Due
to the Participatory Nature of Public Computer Networks.”
As the concept of netizen spread, Michael recognized that two
different uses of the concept were developing. In a talk he gave at a
conference in Japan, he pointed out that one use of the concept was to
refer to all users as netizens. But this was not the usage that he had in mind
for the concept when he introduced it. For Michael the discovery of the
emergence of the netizens was based on the recognition of the empower-
ment that the Net made possible and he identified netizens as those who
used this empowerment to contribute to the net and the larger world it was
part of. Michael reserved the use of the concept of Netizens to describe
such users.
In May of 1997, the Netizen book was published in a print edition in
the U.S. and in October 1997 it was published in a Japanese edition. Five
years ago in 2002 in South Korea some of the significant potential of the
netizens which Michael foresaw was demonstrated, with the candlelight
demonstrations and the netizens electing the President.
Part II – South Korea and Netizens
Over the years there have been many examples of researchers
referring to netizen developments in various parts of the world. Some of
the most advanced examples of both the research and practice of netizens
have been in South Korea.
There is a proud tradition of protest and sacrifice on the part of South
Koreans to win the minimal democratic rights they have gained. Also
South Korea is one of the most wired countries in the world where a larger
percentage of its population, compared with many other countries, have
access to high speed Internet connectivity.
My connection to South Korea began in February 2003 when I saw
a headline on the front page of the Financial Times newspaper that the
new President of South Korea had been elected by netizens. For me, of
course, this was a surprising and important headline.
Page 10
I began to try to learn what was happening in South Korea. I learned
that many netizens in South Korea had backed Roh Moo-Hyun who was
a candidate for the South Korean Presidency from outside the political
mainstream. Roh Moo-Hyun won the election in the December 2002. That
event and subsequent events I learned about led me to understand that
already in 2003 netizens had become an important phenomenon in South
Korea.
I learned, too, that the Korean word for netizen is , the same
as the English word, though spoken with a Korean pronunciation
“netijeun.”
I was also encouraged to see that our book was known in South
Korea, and that over the years, several commentators and scholars in
South Korea have written about the importance of the concept of netizens.
Part III – 2008 Candlelight Demonstrations
By the 2007 South Korean presidential election, however, a law
came into effect which penalized with fines or even jail time netizens who
tried to post online about the election. And the posts were removed. That
censorship contributed to the conservative candidate Lee Myung-bak
being elected with the lowest percentage of the population voting in the
election. Then in April 2008, the newly inaugurated president Lee
Myung-bak met with the U.S. President George W Bush. On April 18
President Lee signed an agreement to end the former restrictions on the
import of U.S. beef into South Korea.
The new beef import agreement provided that beef of any cut, any
age and with bone in, could be imported into South Korea from the U.S.
This was a striking departure from the previous beef agreements which
since 2003 had required U.S. imports to meet requirements designed to
protect the South Korean public against exposure to the human version of
Mad Cow Disease.
On April 29, a South Korean TV station aired a documentary
exposing the poor U.S. safety practices in inspecting U.S. beef for Mad
Cow Disease. Following the program there was increased online dis-
cussion about the problem of importing U.S. beef given the minimal U.S.
government inspection of this beef. In response to a lot of online discus-
sion about the beef deal, a candlelight demonstration was called for May
Page 11
2, 2008 by middle-school girls and high-school students using their cell
phones and a fan website among other online sites. The efforts of some of
the members of one online group called “Soul Dressers” helped organize
toward the May 2 demonstration. Over 10,000 people are reported to have
come to the demonstration. When that large turnout appeared at the dem-
onstration, many were surprised and it was decided to continue the next
day.
1
Then for more than 100 nights candlelight demonstrations were held
in South Korea protesting the Lee Myung-bak actions and asking for
regulations against the import of what much of the South Korean public
deemed potentially unhealthy beef imports from the U.S.
These demonstrations were nonviolent evening vigils with candles.
People of all ages and all walks of life took part, from students to families,
to older people.
Though called to protest the U.S.-South Korean beef agreement, the
underlying demand of the demonstrators was that the program of Lee and
his conservative party not be allowed to take South Korea back to the days
of autocratic rule. There was also a call for Lee Myung-bak’s impeach-
ment.
People participated both online and in person at the demonstrations.
Among the participants were “members of a cooking club, a classical
music society, a fashion club, a U.S. major league baseball watching
club,” and other similar groups on the Internet. “Some of them joined the
protests with their flags, distributed snacks and water to fellow protesters
and started fund-raising for paid advertisements in daily newspapers.” One
researcher who described these various participants and their activities
noted that such online clubs and groups had not previously engaged in
politics. But remarks made by some in the group led others to join the
online discussion and participate in trying to get a harmful government
policy changed.
Part IV – Closing Observation
In “The Net and Netizens,” Michael writes, “The Net introduces the
basic idea of democracy as the grassroots people power of the Netizens.”
One report by the international TV channel France 24, agreeing with
Michael, describes what happened:
2
Page 12
In South Korea a new form of democratic expression has
emerged via the Internet. Its followers call themselves
Netizens and when demonstrating against the government they
carry their laptops to broadcast the event live … .
One researcher, Min Kyung Bae poses the problem as the contrast
between “Analog Government, Digital Citizens.”
3
He documents how the
South Korean government continues to follow old, outmoded ways from
pre-digital days, while the netizens, the digital citizens, are acting in line
with the new capabilities and advances of the times. Min argues that, “The
gap between Lee’s 1980's style analog government and the digital citizens
of 2008 is huge.” He gives as one example that the “Lee administration
was more interested in knowing who paid for the candles than in
understanding why people were holding them.” Min explains that when
Lee Myung-bak closed off the Plaza to the public, the netizens took on to
create an online public square and from that online commons to move the
public back onto the offline public square.
Min ends his article with the call, “Analog politicians must realize
that the Internet offers an opportunity for a breakthrough to improve
Korea’s stagnant political culture. The candles lighting up Gwanghwamun
Plaza are carrying the demand that representative democracy evolve into
a new form suitable to the Internet age.”
Notes:
1. A 42 minute film, “Shall We Protest? is online which documents how the 2008
candlelight demonstrations in South Korea were initiated by high school students. It can
be viewed at:
http://www.engagemedia.org/Members/shallweprotest/videos/ShallWe
Protest1.3en.ogv/, (in Korean with English subtitles).
2. Nathalie Touret, “South Korean ‘Netizens’ Take to the Streets,” France 24 Interna-
tional News, June 18, 2008.
3. Kyung Bae Min, “Analog Government, Digital Citizens,” Global Asia, Vol. 3 No. 3;
Sept. 2008, pp. 94-103. Online at:
http://www.globalasia.org/v3no3/feature/analog-
government-digital-citizens_kyung-bae-min.
[Editor’s Note: This is a slightly edited version of a talk presented at “The
Page 13
International Conference on Soft Power” on September 8, 2009, at the
Tsinghua International Center for Communication Studies, in Beijing,
China.]
Netizen Journalism
and the UN*
New Media and the Challenge of
Reporting from the UN
by Ronda Hauben
I want to share some lessons that have been learned in the three years
I have been reporting from the United Nations (UN) as a resident
correspondent for the online South Korean newspaper, “OhmyNews
International.”
This past December, I won the Silver Award for Excellence in Print
and Online Journalism presented by the United Nations Correspondents’
Association in honor of Elizabeth Neuffer, a Boston Globe reporter who
died while on assignment reporting from Iraq.
In the brief remarks I made accepting the award I referred to the
importance of the judges presenting this award not only for me, but also
for other reporters at the United Nations who are willing to write about the
issues or viewpoints that are rarely covered by the mainstream western
news media.
For example, one of the articles that was the basis for the award was
an article about a meeting of the UN Security Council where there was
discussion over whether or not to have a public debate about the issue of
the Middle East.
1
The meeting took place on January 30, 2008. The South African
Ambassador to the UN at that time was Dumisani Kumalo. Kumalo told
the Security Council, “My delegation believes that silence on the situation
in the Middle East is more dangerous than even meetings where there
might be a raising of temperatures or heat.”
He was responding to a comment by the British Ambassador Sir
John Sawers, who proposed that perhaps it was better not to have debates
Page 14
in the Security Council on the Middle East since these issues brought up
expressions of strong differences among the delegates.
These comments followed a week of discussion among delegates
marked by different views on Israel’s action closing the border crossings
into Gaza. This was a year before the attack on Gaza by Israel in Decem-
ber 2008.
Some member nations of the UN claimed the closure of the border
crossings into Gaza was an action contrary to the obligations of Israel as
an occupying power in the Gaza Strip. Another member of the Security
Council, notably the U.S., said that the issue was that Israel was under
siege and it was not appropriate for the Security Council to condemn
Israel’s actions. Instead the U.S. wanted a statement to condemn the rocket
attacks being fired into Israel as coming from “terrorists.”
After a number of days of various efforts, it became evident that no
agreement on the wording of a statement by the Security Council was
possible. This led South Africa’s Ambassador to remind the members of
the Security Council that the United Nations “has a special responsibility
in supporting a peaceful resolution in the conflict in the Middle East.”
The Indonesian Ambassador to the UN, Marty Natalegawa, agreed
with Kumalo, telling the Security Council that its silence on this issue “is
indeed a deafening silence.”
This example of reporting about UN Security Council issues helps
to highlight a situation that American journalism professors and media
critics have recognized as a problem with the mainstream media in the
U.S. These media scholars explain that much of the U.S. media too often
watches to see which side has the most power and represents only that
singular view of an issue or phenomenon.
In reporting from the UN, what is interesting is that there is often a
range of views from different nations on issues that are being discussed.
But too often nations, as in closed meetings or consultations of the
Security Council for example, do not make their views on issues available
to journalists at the UN. Only when the full range of views is available to
the press and the public, is it possible to have a meaningful public
discussion to clarify what is in the public interest. The challenge for the
media covering the UN is to report on the broad range of views among
different nations on various issues, rather than on only the viewpoint of the
Page 15
most powerful nation or nations.
There are a number of examples of issues where there have been
different views expressed by different nations, but too often one view
continues to dominate mainstream western media coverage. These issues
include:
1. What is happening in Darfur.
2. Security Council action regarding North Korea.
3. Security Council action regarding Iran.
4. Security Council action on the listing and delisting of individuals or
organizations related to Security Council Resolution 1267.
For example, on the issue of Darfur, the book, Saviors and Survi-
vors: Darfur Politics and the War on Terror, by Columbia University
Professor Mahmood Mamdani, presents a different narrative of the
problem in Darfur than that presented by much of the mainstream western
media.
2
The book is based on a five year study of the current conditions
and the factors leading up to the current situation.
Mamdani presents significant evidence that the changing weather
patterns and environmental conditions in Darfur, along with the role Great
Britain played as a colonial power, changed the conditions which formerly
had made possible coexistence among the different strata of Darfurian
society. This account has been discussed in blogs, in online reviews, and
in Youtube videos, as well as in programs aired by the Iranian English
language news on PressTV. Journalists familiar with Mamdani’s book had
the facts and analysis to determine that what is happening in Darfur is not
a genocide but instead a civil war.
Another challenge to the mainstream media narrative is being
presented with respect to the reporting about North Korea and the Six
Party talks. Some scholars of Korean studies and some media sites on the
Internet have presented the frustrations of North Korean negotiators, rather
than focusing on the point of view of the American government, as in the
reports by the mainstream western media.
3
The book, Meltdown by the former CNN journalist Mike Chinoy,
along with articles by U.S. researchers like Leon Sigal and Rob Carlin,
also help to make the case that the position the U.S. government presents
on the problem related to North Korean nuclear development is a problem
that needs to be understood from the perspective of North Korea’s need
Page 16
for a means of defense to protect itself from hostile U.S. actions.
In analyzing the problem with the mainstream media in the U.S., W.
Lance Bennett, Regina G. Lawrence, and Steven Livingston, authors of the
book When the Press Fails, explain that the “American mainstream news
code favors those who wield the greatest power, even when what they say
is subject to serious challenge.”
4
A presentation of different perspectives on international issues is the
basis for a better understanding of these issues, than is any single
viewpoint. Just as American mainstream media coverage of U.S. related
issues is harmed by the fact it is too often limited to one dominant
viewpoint, similarly, for an understanding of complex international issues,
it is important that various views be presented and debated publicly in the
international media and at the UN, rather than only during closed door
consultations. This is, I want to propose, a means to develop not only a
more accurate understanding of the issue. It is also the basis for a form of
journalism that presents a process of debate over the facts and analysis of
an issue or phenomenon, rather than just the presentation and acceptance
of one viewpoint or one conclusion.
The form of journalism that offers this broader perspective on issues,
a journalism that provides for a debate on such issues, I call netizen
journalism. Netizens and the new Internet media help to make this broader
discussion of issues possible.
5
Scholars like W. Lance Bennett and his colleagues point out the poor
practices of the mainstream U.S. media. In order to be able to develop a
form of international media that can present a broader point of view of
issues, it is important to understand this critique and encourage the debate
over different views. Similarly, when considering the issue of soft power,
as has been discussed at this conference, it is important to critique
practices used by other nations, rather just adopting what may be poor or
deceptive practices. I propose that one goal for journalism is to foster
better communication among nations and peoples. A media to facilitate
such communication is needed everywhere. Communication between
peoples and between nations is based on an equality between those
involved in the act of communicating. Thus communication is different
from exerting power in the process, whether it be soft power, in the terms
advocated by Joseph Nye, or other forms of power.
Page 17
As one former Tsinghua student, Lili Xiao, who did her master’s
degree paper studying netizen discussion of the Tibet riots of March 2008,
recently wrote about the goal of netizens and so also, of netizen journal-
ism: “Maybe in some ways we are part of the netizen family because we
want communication to help connect people so there is a better world.”
Notes:
1. Ronda Hauben, “Security Council Fails to Act on Gaza Crisis ‘The silence is
deafening,’ says Indonesia’s UN Ambassador,” OhmyNews International, February 7,
2008. Online at:
https:// www.ais.org/~jrh/acn/ACn17-2.pdf, pp. 6-9.
2. Ronda Hauben. “Untangling the False Narrative of a ‘New Humanitarianism for
Darfur [Book Review] Mahmood Mamdani’s ‘Saviors and Survivors’,” OhmyNews
International, March 31, 2009. Online at:
https://blogs.taz.de/netizenblog/2009/03/30/the
_historical_roots_and_reality_of_the_darfur_conflict_book_review_of_saviors_and_s
urvivors_by_mahmood_mamdani_/
3. Ronda Hauben, “U.S. Policy Toward North Korea Fails to Engage [Opinion] UN
Security Council should be neutral in its dealings with North Korea,” OhmyNews
International, June 6, 2009. Online at:
https://www.ais.org/~jrh/acn/ACn28-1.pdf, pp.
27-29.
4. W. Lance Bennett, Regina G. Lawrence, and Steven Livingston, When the Press Fails,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2007, p. 30.
5. See for example: Ronda Hauben, “Netizens Defy Western Media Fictions of China,”
OhmyNews International, May 9, 2008.
Online at: https://www.ais.org/~jrh/acn/ACn20-2.pdf, pp. 7-9.
*A version of this article appeared at:
http://blogs.taz.de /netizenblog/2009/10/18/netizen
_journalism_and_the_un/.
[Editor’s Note: The following article is a version of a talk given in Beijing
in July 2012 at the April Café and Salon.]
The United Nations, China and Journal-
ism in the Era of the Netizen
Page 18
I. – Introduction
I am happy to be here today and to accept Rao Jin’s invitation to
make one of the first presentations at April Café and Salon.
The title of my talk is “The United Nations, China and Journalism
in the Era of the Netizen”.
As Jay mentioned in his talk today, this year, 2012 is the 15
th
anniversary of the publication of the English and the Japanese print
editions of the book Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and
the Internet.
To mark this occasion I wanted to try to understand the significance
of this anniversary with respect to ongoing development of the Internet
and the Netizen. Coming to China this year was an impetus to review my
previous visits to China and the interesting events I was able to take part
in related to netizens during these visits.
In 2005 when I first came to Beijing, it was because Beijing was the
host of the XXII International Congress on the History of Science. At the
conference I presented a paper on “The International and Scientific
Origins of the Internet and the Emergence of the Netizens.” At the time
there was a lot of new construction going on in Beijing and the city
appeared to be new and developing. It appeared to be an appropriate place
to present a talk on the importance of internet development. With the
continuing development of the Internet the phenomenon of the netizens
was becoming more important to understand.
My second trip to Beijing was in April 2008 when I was invited to
give a talk at the Internet Society of China. In my talk I asked the question
“Is this is a new Age, the Age of the Netizen?” Also during this trip I was
invited to give a talk on “The Global Media and the Role of Netizens in
Determining the News.” This talk was for a journalism class at Tsinghua
University. On the day the talk was scheduled, there was a meeting
between students at Tsinghua University and several journalists from the
International Federation of Journalists. The students at Tsinghua Univer-
sity were angry about the Western media coverage of China. They told the
journalists their complaints. The journalists seemed surprised and found
it difficult to respond. In the process I met students who were part of the
anti-CNN web site that was created to challenge the falsifications about
China that were then appearing in the Western press.
Page 19
One of the reasons for my trip in September 2009 was to participate
in the First China Netizens Cultural Festival Celebration Day event
sponsored by the Internet Society of China. This Netizens Festival Day
was observed on September 14, 2009.
For this Netizen Day event, a stage was set up in front of the Beijing
CCTV Tower. I was invited to present background on the development of
the Netizen. I gave a short introduction about the discovery of the emer-
gence of the Netizens. This was presented in English with a Chinese
translation and the event is captured in a video on Youku.
I described how in 1992-1993, Michael Hauben who was then a
Columbia University student, sent out a set of questions across the
networks asking users about their experiences online. He was surprised to
find that not only were many of those who responded to his questions
interested in what the Net made possible for them, but also they were
interested in spreading the Net and in exploring how it could make a better
world possible. Based on his research Michael wrote his article “The Net
and Netizens.”
The netizen, Michael recognized, was the emergence of a new form
of citizen. This was a citizen who was using the power made possible by
the Net for a public purpose, and who was not limited by geographical
boundaries. The Net for Michael was a new social institution and the
discovery of the emergence of the netizen was the special contribution that
he made to the field of network study.
The first Netizen day event held in China was the first official
recognition of the netizen anywhere in the world. It was a celebration to
honor the fact that the phenomenon of the netizen continues to develop
and spread and to be recognized as a new and important achievement of
our times. It was fitting that it was in China with its many millions of
netizens pioneering the use of the Internet that there is a day to celebrate
Netizens.
When I returned to New York in 2009 after my visit to China, I went
to an event at the Chinese Mission to the UN. On the way into the
Mission, there was a rack with magazines about China. A magazine in the
rack caught my attention. It was the July 5, 2009 edition of the magazine
NewsChina The title of the issue was “The Netizens’ Republic of China.”
The magazine was filled with articles documenting the impact of the
Page 20
Net and Netizens on what is happening in China. It presented several
examples of netizens speaking out in discussions in online discussion
groups and forums. In an article titled “Netizens, the New Watchdogs,”
the writer, Yu Xiaodong wrote, It is the newly emerging Internet media,
in particular, citizen journalism that has filled the need to kindle political
discussion in China leading many to conclude that Internet media has
become the mainstream itself rather than a peripheral form of com-
munication.”
Based on these experiences I wrote an article with the title “China in
the Era of the Netizen.” In the article I explained my sense that something
significant is happening in China. Beijing, I wrote, was being developed
as a world class city with the benefit of contributions made possible by the
Internet and by netizens. “So perhaps a special characteristic of Beijing
has to do with the emergence of the Netizen.” The NewsChina issue of the
magazine helped to clarify that there were those in China who also
recognized that netizens were crucial actors in the development of China.
I have had subsequent visits to China, in which I have been
encouraged to give talks about Netizens and about the development and
spread of the Internet and its potential impact on China.
What seems significant about these experiences is that there is
interest and support for netizen development in China that I haven’t found
elsewhere in the world.
This introduction brings me to the subject of the talk I want to give
today. This talk is about a problem with the mainstream western media
and how the Internet and netizens are creating a needed alternative to
solve this problem.
II. – The Global Political Situation
The current international situation raises important questions for
discussion and analysis. In a complex world, how can one have a means
to understand what is happening. While the mainstream western media
often project one view of the world, online discussion and analysis have
begun to play an ever more important role in offering alternative
viewpoints and analysis.
Around the world there has been a recognition that the mainstream
western media can play a harmful role for those trying to develop an
Page 21
accurate understanding of the events of our times. This problem is often
obvious in online comments and articles by netizens.
One such situation occurred in 2003 when the U.S. media promoted
the false claim that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. used
this false claim as the pretext to invade Iraq. But there were no such
weapons in Iraq.
The question was raised among scholars in the U.S. about the poor
quality of U.S. journalism. How would it be possible to prevent the U.S.
media from making similar false claims in the future. One answer was to
recognize that there is a serious problem with much of the mainstream
U.S. media. Instead of the U.S. media presenting the debate of different
viewpoints on an issue, or acting as a watchdog over the U.S. government,
this media presents only the dominant viewpoint of those in power. In so
doing the mainstream U.S. media helps to strengthen those in power even
more.
Exploring a similar problem, Michael wrote an article titled, “The
Effect of the Net on the Professional News Media.” He considered what
the effect of both the netizen and the Internet would be on the future of the
news and news media. He recognized that a new form of news was in its
infancy.
Michael saw that this new form of news was evolving into a new
paradigm which would include both the contributions of netizens and the
capabilities of the Internet. Describing the frustration of many netizens
with the traditional media that they had to rely on before the Internet,
Michael wrote, “Today, similarly, the need for a broader and more
cooperative gathering and reporting of the News has helped create the new
online media that is gradually supplanting traditional forms of journal-
ism.” What is this new form of news and what are its characteristics?
With the creation and the spread of the Internet, the emergence of a
new form of citizenship, known as netizenship, has developed. Along with
this new form of citizenship, a critical and vibrant form of online
journalism is emerging. I call this journalism netizen journalism. I propose
that this new journalism has at least two important aspects.
One is that it encourages serious research into the background,
context and political significance of the conflicts of our times, conflicts
like those in Libya or Syria. Another important aspect of this new form of
Page 22
journalism is the application of this research to the writing of articles or
to comments in online discussions on issues of public concern, and in
response to both mainstream and alternative media articles. Often the
comments by netizens on these issues include criticism of false claims like
the claim that there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Video news
and oral interviews can also be examples of netizen journalism if they
meet the above criteria.
At a conference held in Russia last March, Dmitry Medvedev, who
is now the Prime Minister of the Russia Federation, presented a speech
describing the need to recognize the problem of media manipulation of
public opinion in the international arena.
Medvedev particularly referred to the Syrian situation.
“A very active media campaign unfolded with respect to Syria,” he
explained. “I will not now discuss the nature of these events,” he said, “but
what is clear is that this media campaign has little to do with the task of
ending violence as rapidly as possible and facilitating the national
dialogue that we all want to see.”
Medvedev proposed that such a media campaign against a country
presents “the new security dimension.” Such a security danger needs to be
recognized and exposed.
“Today we are witness to persistent attempts,” he explained, “to
make mass manipulation of public opinion a tool in international rela-
tions.”
A somewhat different approach to the problem Medvedev has
pointed out is offered by the political scientist Karl Deutsch.
In his book Nerves of Government, Deutsch explores problems of
communication that develop in politics. He proposes that it is helpful to
look at the problems that develop in government or in the governance of
other political organizations as if such organizations are a nervous system
consisting of channels of communication and feedback. Deutsch writes,
“Men have long and often concerned themselves with the power of
governments, much as some observers try to assess the muscle power of
a horse or an athlete. Others have described the laws and institutions of
states, as the skeleton or organs of a body. This book,” Deutsch
explains,“concerns itself less with the bones or muscles of the body politic
than with its nerves – its channels of communication and decision.”
Page 23
Deutsch goes on to explain that “it might be profitable to look upon
government somewhat less as a problem of power and somewhat more as
a problem of steering and communication.” He maintains that, “It is
communication, that is, the ability to transmit messages and to react to
them, that makes organizations….” He proposes that this is true for the
cells in the human body as it is for the “organization of thinking human
beings in social groups.”
Deutsch raises the question, “To what extent are failures in the
steering (i.e. of the problems that develop) of an organization due to the
absence of some crucial communication link not to the presence of some
evil elements?”
While Deutsch is allowing for the situation where a problem in
communication is responsible for a failure in the functioning of an
organization, Medvedev is presenting the problem of media manipulation
in international relations as a problem where the “security” danger must
be recognized.
Considering Medvedev’s warning about the security danger
presented by media manipulation, and Deutsch’s warning that a communi-
cation problem can lead to a breakdown in an organization, I want to look
at some examples of United Nations Security Council experience and
consider the significance of the problems in communication reflected in
these examples.
The example I will focus most on, is that of the role of the UN in
what is happening in Syria.
In my treatment of Syria, I want to focus on the Houla massacre as
the situation to analyze in order to understand the media war at the UN
over Syria.
The Houla massacre occurred in Syria on May 24, 2012.
This was but a few days before Kofi Annan, the joint Arab League-
UN envoy, was planning a visit to Syria.
Immediately after the massacre there was a media campaign to
blame the Syrian government for the deaths (there were over 100 deaths).
A short time later, an alternative account was made available by a Russian
online media group Anna News. This news team for an online site visited
the area where the massacre occurred the following day. Their report
appeared on a number of alternative news sites soon after the massacre.
Page 24
The reports from the Anna News team, and other netizen news
reports, challenged the mainstream western media claims that the Syrian
government was responsible for the killings.
Similarly, the Syrian government conducted a preliminary investiga-
tion. They provided witnesses that the massacre was carried out by armed
insurgents and criminal elements.
If one were to read or hear mainstream western media accounts of
the massacre, however, they mainly present what they claim is happening
from the point of view of the armed opposition in Syria. The armed
opposition presents an account of events which demonizes the Syrian
government. There had been a number of instances when the accounts
from the armed opposition have been shown to be false.
Along with the different set of information presented by the Syrian
government, there is the information in the alternative media that I refer
to as netizen journalism. Netizen journalism will challenge distortions and
other problems in the news coverage provided by the mainstream western
media. In the aftermath of the Houla massacre, a number of articles
documenting the role of the armed insurgents in carrying out the Houla
massacre appeared on alternative media sites.
I want to propose that this form of alternative media which I call
netizen journalism, is setting up a communication channel different from
that of the mainstream western media.
What has been interesting has been to not only consider the two
different channels that these different forms of news represent, but also to
look at how the different actors at the UN relate to these different
communication channels.
In April, the UN Security Council authorized a mission of 300
unarmed observers to monitor what is happening in Syria and to try to
encourage a cease fire of the conflicting parties. This mission is called the
UN Supervisory Mission in Syria or for short (UNSMIS). When the Houla
massacre first occurred, UNSMIS went to investigate the massacre. The
initial response of UNSMIS was that there were two views of what had
occurred and who was responsible presented to them.
Then in response to a request from the UN Security Council that
UNSMIS do an investigation, Major General Mood, the commander of
UNSMIS said that a report had been prepared in June.
Page 25
He submitted the report to Ban Ki Moon.
In his article “General Mood: ‘Two Versions’ of the Houla Massa-
cre” posted by John Rosenthal, June 26, 2012, Rosenthal writes that “At
the June 15 press conference General Mood went on to say that the
mission had assembled a report about the massacre, including the details
of witness interviews and that this report had been submitted to UN
headquarters in New York. This raises an obvious question,” writes John
Rosenthal, “Why has this report not been rendered public?”
Similarly, UN Security Council members report that they have not
received the report.
When journalists asked the Secretary-General’s spokesperson what
happened to Mood’s report and why it wasn’t given to the Security
Council, they were told that it had been given to various members of the
UN Secretariat. But as journalists at the UN asked, Why not to the
Security Council?”
One of the original purposes for the UNSMIS mission, according to
Kofi Annan, was “to see what is going on” so as to be able to “change the
dynamics.”
1
This past April, Annan said, We continue to be hampered by the
lack of verified information in assessing the situation … . We need eyes
and ears on the ground. This will provide the incontrovertible basis the
international community needs to act in an effective and unified manner,
increasing the momentum for a cessation of violence to be implemented
by all sides.”
2
Yet when UNSMIS did create a report, it was withheld from the
Security Council by the Secretary General of the UN.
At a press conference to mark the beginning of the Chinese
Presidency of the Security Council for the month of June, China’s
Ambassador Li Baodong, referring to the Houla massacre, said:
“Now we have different stories from different angles. Now we have
the story from the Syrian government, and from the opposition parties, and
from different sources.” Since the Security Council “has a team on the
ground,” he said referring to UNSMIS, “We want to see first-hand
information from our own people” He hoped this would make it possible
to put the different pieces of information together and to come “to our own
conclusion with our own judgment.”
3
Page 26
This acknowledgment that there are different views of what had
happened in the Houla massacre and that there is a need to get accurate
information from an on the ground investigation is an important step for
a member of the Security Council to make. This challenges the armed
opposition claims that their account is the only account of what is
happening in Syria.
In a recent paper I am working on titled, “The Role of Netizen
Journalism in the Media War at the United Nations” I document some of
the various forms netizen journalism has taken in the media war on Syria.
There are many articles and videos posted on a number of web sites
challenging the mainstream media version of the events in Houla and
explaining the facts that demonstrated that the massacre had been carried
out by the armed insurgents and local criminals.
With these articles acting as a catalyst, the mainstream German
newspaper, the Frankfurter Allgemeiner Zeitung carried two articles
condemning the armed insurgency for the Houla massacre. The titles of
the articles translated into English were “Syrian Rebels Committed Houla
Massacre” and “On the Houla Massacre: The Extermination.”
In the longer paper I am working on on the Media Warfare at the
UN, I consider the strength or weaknesses of the netizen journalism
coverage of two other examples and consider its impact on the Security
Council action in these examples.
III. – Conclusion
The issue raised by this preliminary presentation concerns the need
for serious attention to the importance of facilitating an accurate channel
of communication with respect to the issues being considered by the
Security Council. This will make it more difficult for the media manipula-
tion that Medvedev identified as a serious security concern to succeed.
In the situation of the Syria conflict, the fact that General Mood’s
report on the Houla massacre could be withheld from the Security Council
for more than a month and that there is not yet any indication of when it
will be given to the Security Council, represents a serious problem. This
indicates that there is a problem with the communication channels at the
UN with the integrity of these communication channels. This is an
example of what happens when a communication channel can be blocked.
Page 27
In a press conference held in March of 2011 when China assumed
the month long rotating Security Council presidency, Ambassador Li
Baodong referred to the international media as the “16
th
member of the
Security Council.”
While Ambassador Li Baodong was then referring to the mainstream
media, it is important to recognize that there is a new form of journalism
emerging. This new journalism is being created by netizens, many of
whom are dedicated to doing the research and analysis to expose the
interests and actions that are too often hidden from view. By revealing the
actual forces at work, netizens are making it possible to have a more
accurate grasp of whose interests are being served and what is at stake in
the events that make up the news. If such a journalism can help to provide
the UN with a more accurate understanding of the conflicts it is consid-
ering, it can help to make more likely the peaceful resolution of these
conflicts.
Notes:
1. See “Kofi Annan tells UN We Need Eyes and Ears on the Ground,April 26, 2012.
Online at:
https://blogs.taz.de/netizen blog/2012/04/26/kofi-annan-briefing/.
2. https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/un-s-annan-calls-syria-situati on-bleak-1.1286096.
3. A summary of Li Baodong’s press conference marking the Chinese Presidency of
Security Council for the month of June 2012. June 4, 2012 can be seen at:
https://www.un.org/press/en /2012/120604_SC.doc.htm.
[Editor’s Note: The year, 2012, marked the 15
th
Anniversary of the
publication of the English and Japanese print editions of the book
Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and the Internet by
Michael Hauben and Ronda Hauben. To help celebrate this anniversary
Ronda and Jay Hauben participated in a salon on July 22 in Beijing which
launched the April Café and Salon. What follows is one of the presen-
tations.]
China and Syria: Netizens Expose Media
Page 28
Fabrications and Distortions*
by Jay Hauben
My story is about netizen activity in China. But to be sure there is
netizen active in virtually every society. I will add an epilogue about the
Syrian crisis. Netizen activity takes many forms. Anti-CNN and my
epilogue about Syria are examples of netizens as watchdogs over the
mainstream and online media, but anti-CNN is also an example of the
value of discussion forums.
Netizen as a vision of something new emerging and as a concept of
scholarly interest was first analyzed in the research of Michael Hauben at
Columbia University starting in 1992. Michael Hauben wrote that he
became aware of “a new social institution, an electronic commons
developing.”
1
He found social and political issues being discussed with
seriousness in this online community which the conventional media and
his school courses rarely if ever covered or covered only from a narrow
angle.
Hauben found that there were people online who actively use and
take up to defend public communication. They support open communica-
tion and oppose disruptive online behavior. He recognized this as a form
of network citizenship.
At the time, a net user who defended the net was often referred to as
a “net.citizen.” Hauben contracted net.citizen into “netizen” to express
something new. It is an online, non-geographically based, social identity
and net citizenship. He wrote, “My research demonstrated that there were
people active as members of the network, which the words net citizen did
not precisely represent ... . The word citizen suggests a geographic or
national definition of social membership. The word Netizen reflects the
new non-geographically based social membership … .”
2
The online self-identity and practice of netizenship spread around the
world. Two uses of the word netizen emerged. It is necessary to distin-
guish between all net users and those users who participate constructively
concerning social and political issues in forums and chat rooms or on their
blogs and microblogs. This second category of net users comes online for
public rather than simply for personal and entertainment purposes. They
Page 29
act as citizens of the net and are the users I feel deserve the name netizen.
To be clear, not all net users are netizens. In 1995 Michael Hauben
wrote:
Netizens are not just anyone who comes online. Netizens are
especially not people who come online for individual gain or
profit. They are not people who come to the Net thinking it is
a service. Rather they are people who understand it takes effort
and action on each and everyone’s part to make the Net a
regenerative and vibrant community and resource. Netizens are
people who decide to devote time and effort into making the
Net, this new part of our world, a better place.
3
My usage is that of Michael and similar to that of Haiqing Yu who
writes, “I use ‘netizen’ in a narrow sense to mean ‘Net plus citizen’ or
‘citizen on the Net’ . Netizens are those who use the Internet as a venue
for exercising citizenship through rational public debates on social and
political issues of common concern.”
4
I add, also, that netizens are not
only “citizens on the net” but also “citizens of the net” signifying those
who actively contribute to the development and defense of the net as a
global communications platform.
With this concept of netizen, I want to argue that anti-CNN was a
netizen activity and prototype of the watchdog function that netizens are
beginning to play in China and around the world.
On March 14, 2008, Tibetan demonstrators in Lhasa, the capital of
the Tibet Autonomous Region in China, turned violent. A Canadian tourist
and the one or two foreign journalists who witnessed the situation put
online photos, videos and descriptions documenting the ethnically targeted
violence of the rioters against citizens and property.
5
That was even before the Chinese media started to report it. The
Chinese media framed the story as violence against Han Chinese and
Muslim Chinese fomented by the Tibetan government in exile. Much of
the mainstream international media like BBC, VOA, and CNN framed the
violence as the result of discriminatory Chinese rule and Chinese police
brutality.
Wide anger was expressed by many Chinese aboard when they
discovered that some of the media in the U.S., Germany, France, and the
U.K., were using photos and videos from clashes between police and
Page 30
pro-Tibetan independence protestors not in China but in Nepal and India
to support that media’s claim of violence by Chinese police. One poster
wrote:
Xizang terrorists raided Lasha (Lhasa), they killed more than
10 innocent people and destroyed others’ properties. But west-
ern media called such a terror a ‘peaceful’ protest. Ridiculous,
isn’t it? Many western media simply say: People died in the
protest. This implicitly tells their audience or readers that
Chinese government killed protests.
Do they dare mention who died? who attacked whom? and
who killed whom? Amazing, isn’t it? Other than that, they dis-
torted the facts by using pictures from violence in other
countries and commented as what happened in China.
The poster followed his post with links to 15 examples of
distortions.
6
A digital slideshow was put online which contained a narrated
presentation (
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uSQnK5FcKas&feature
=related)
7
of 11 mislabeled photos inappropriate for the articles with
which they appeared. It spread widely in cyberspace inside and outside of
China.
The slideshow contains some of the photos that were put online to
show the distortions and false narrative of many international mainstream
media. Very crudely, the major media used photos from elsewhere to
support their false story of Chinese police brutality in Lhasa in March
2008.
Within a few days of the appearance of the inaccurate reports, Rau
Jin a recent Tsinghua University graduate launched the anti-CNN website.
He explained that after being part of netizen anger and discussion, he
wanted to “speak out our thoughts and let the westerners learn about the
truth.”
8
The top page of anti-CNN featured articles, videos and photos
documenting some of the alleged distortions in the coverage of the Tibet
events. The website also had forum sections first in Chinese then also in
English.
The organizers set as the goal of anti-CNN to overcome media bias
in the western media by fostering communication between Chinese
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netizens and netizens outside of China so that the people of the world and
of China could have accurate knowledge about each other. They wrote on
their website, “We are not against the western media, but against the lies
and fabricated stories in the media.”
9
Anti-CNN was chosen as the site name, Qi Hanting, one of the
organizers said, because CNN is the media superpower. It can do great
damage so it must be watched and challenged when it is wrong.”
10
But the
site was not limited to countering errors in the reporting of CNN. It invited
submissions that documented bias or misrepresentations of China in the
global media.
Rau Jin quickly received from net users hundreds of offers of help
to find examples of media distortions. He gathered a team of 40 volunteers
to monitor the submissions for factualness and to limit emotional threads.
Rau Jin and his group decided on some rules. Name-calling or attacks on
individuals or groups were to be deleted. Emotional posts were not
allowed to have follow-up comments.
Forum discussions were started on the topics: “Western Media Bias,
“The Facts of Tibet” and “Modern China.” In the first five days the site
attracted 200,000 visits, many from outside of China. At its maximum, the
site received millions of daily hits. Over time, serious threads contained
debates between Han Chinese and both Westerners and Tibetan Chinese
and Uyghur Chinese trying to show each other who they were and where
they differ or where they agree.
Many visitors from outside China posted on the anti-CNN English
forum. Some expressed their criticism of Chinese government media
censorship. In the responses to such criticism, some Chinese posters ack-
nowledged such censorship but argued (1) it was easy to circumnavigate,
(2) that all societies have their systems of bias or censorship and (3) that
netizens everywhere must dare to think for themselves and get information
from many sources.
One netizen with the alias kylin wrote, “I can say free media works
the same way as less-free media. So what’s most important? The people
I’d say . If people dare to doubt, dare to think on their own, do not take
whatever comes to them, then we’ll have a clear mind, not easily be
fooled. I can say, if such people exist, then should be Chinese … the least
likely to be brainwashed, when have suffered from all those incidents,
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cultural revolution, plus a whole long history with all kinds of tricks.”
11
Often there are expressions of nationalist emotions in Chinese
cyberspace, for example calls for boycotting Japanese or French products.
After the riot in Lhasa, there was an upsurge of nationalist defense of
China including on anti-CNN.
At least some moderators on anti-CNN however were opponents of
nationalism, arguing that it is a form of emotionalism and needs to be
countered by rational discourse and the presentation of facts and an airing
of all opinions.
Moderators often answered Chinese nationalists with admonitions
to “calm down and present facts.” While nationalist sentiment and love of
country and anger appeared often on the anti-CNN forums, the opportunity
for a dialog across national and ethnic barriers is an expression of the
internationalism characteristic of netizens.
Chinese citizens in general know that the mainstream Chinese media
have a long history as a controlled and propaganda press. On the other
hand, there was a wide spread assumption among people in China that the
mainstream international media like CNN and BBC are a more reliable
source of information and alternative viewpoints.
The widespread online exposure of distortions and bias in major
examples of the international mainstream media called into question for
many Chinese people their positive expectation about Western media. The
exposures also attracted the attention of others who questioned whether
the so-called Western mainstream media is any less a propaganda or
political media than the Chinese mainstream media.
Over its first year, the anti-CNN website had become a significant
news portal. After a year, there was a debate to determine its future. Some
of the founders left. The site continued with separate forum sections in
Chinese and English but became less focused than it was before on
exposing media bias.
Today [2012], the April Media Group founded by Rau Jin is a
continuation of anti-CNN. It has Chinese and English language websites
both known as M4. Recently M4 had its comment section closed while the
Chinese government decided how it would deal with a major political
scandal.
For me the special significance of anti-CNN was that it took up the
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important task of a media watchdog, but especially a watchdog over the
most powerful media like CNN and BBC. In an article “The Computer as
a Democratizer”
12
Michael Hauben argued for the crucial role in a society
of a watchdog press.
In every society, major sectors of the media serve the current holders
of power. Now, with the internet, there is an emerging media and
journalism which tries to serve society by watching and criticizing the
abuses of those with power. Anti-CNN provided for the whole world an
alternative to the established media which was distorting the truth about
the Lhasa riot.
The net users who launched anti-CNN took for themselves a public
and international mission, using the net to watch critically the main
international media. In the process there was discussion and debate on
difficult social and political questions. They and those from China and
around the world who take up the exposures and discussion and debate are
examples for me of netizens.
I want to add a short epilogue to the story of anti-CNN. This is about
Syria in 2011.
Some time in early March 2011, protest demonstrations in Dara’a in
Southern Syria were given a violent component. On March 17 or 18, 2011
armed people attacked policemen in Dara’a, killing seven. Media reports
said at least four other people were killed at that time.
13
The Syrian state
media framed the story as “armed gangs attacking security forces and
public property.” Western and Gulf satellite media quickly framed the
story that “the Syrian government is killing its own people.”
This time there was very early a massive use of videos and photos
purporting to document the “crimes of the Syrian government,” not only
in or on the Western and Gulf satellite media, but also on websites and
Facebook and Youtube and with tweeted links.
As in the case of Tibet, many net users realized that much of this so
called documentation was suspicious. Using online search engines,
original sources were found and posted to prove that many supposed
“crimes of the Syrian government” were distortions and fabrication. Often
crimes were traced to the armed opposition itself.
I did a brief online search using a search engine and in microblogs
and Facebook on the phrase ‘Syria Distortions’. I found net users and
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groups in the U.S., Tunisia, Palestine, Syria and elsewhere who were able
to show that many of the videos and photos were from many places other
than Syria.
At blogs like Tunisian Quest for Truth and Uprooted Palestinians
14
and on their related Facebook pages I found exposures of online media
distortions that were very similar to those done at the beginning of
anti-CNN.
These sites also turned up as links sent out as tweets and the photo
exposures on these sites then also appeared on many websites. The photos
were found to be from the Civil War in Lebanon, from gang murders in
Mexico, from Israeli atrocities in Palestine, rebel crimes in Libya, but they
were all labeled as Syrian government atrocities.
Some were found to be photos of mass demonstrations in support of
the Syrian government doctored to claim these were in support of the
armed uprising.
I found an ongoing online war between the fabricators and the
exposers. The exposures often attract a set of comments supporting the
effort to have an accurate narrative. But I have not yet found where the
exposures have been turned into discussion forums as happened on
anti-CNN.
In my short search I also found the website Moon of Alabama.
15
On
that site a detailed exposure appeared when the U.S. Government
distributed satellite photos claiming to show military shelling of the city
of Homs. Moon of Alabama looked at Google Maps and Google Earth
satellite photos to demonstrate for example that some of the satellite
photos were of a Syrian military training base not of shelling of the city of
Homs.
Similarly the blogger argued that each of the claims by the U.S.
government about these photos was false. The same blogger also viewed
a video purported to be a one hour live video cast from the shelling of the
city of Homs. The blogger wrote a script to guide viewers so that the level
of fabrication was apparent.
In addition to the research bloggers who find and expose fabrications
and distortions, there is a growing number of journalists, websites and
news sources which provided an alternative account of the crisis in Syria
and a critique of the Western and Gulf state media narrative about Syria.
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Among these are the Center for Research on Globalization, Voltairenet,
Syria360, Russia Today (RT), Prensa Latina from Cuba, to name a few.
A serious analytic, research journalism with a public purpose is
emerging which attempts to give a solid base so net users can arrive at an
accurate understanding of crises and situations like that in Syria. Ronda
Hauben calls such journalism “netizen journalism.”
My conclusion is that the vision of netizens becoming more and
more a force in society continues to be relevant and powerful. The net
continues to empower people toward a greater participation in more and
more aspects of their societies. As with the anti-CNN website and with the
opening of an alternative channel of information, news and analysis in the
Syria crisis, netizens are becoming a force not only in domestic politics
but in international politics.
* This presentation was accompanied by slides which can be seen at:
http://www.colu
mbia.edu/~hauben/beijing2012/j-china2012-april-cafe.ppt.
Notes:
1. “Preface: What is a netizen” in Netizens: On the History and Impact of Usenet and the
Internet, Michael Hauben and Ronda Hauben, IEEE Computer Society Press, Los
Alamitos, CA, 1997, p. ix. Also, an earlier version is online at
http://www.columbia
.edu/~rh120/ch106.txt.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. “From Active Audience to Media Citizenship: The Case of post-Mao China” in Social
Semiotics, Vol 16 (2), June 2006, page 304. Online at:
https://www.researchgate
.net/publication/233195520_From_Active_Audience_to_Media_Citizenship
_The_Case_of _Post-Mao_China.
5. See for example the blog entry by Kadfly, March 15, 2008 http://kadfly.blog
spot.com/2008/03/lhasa-burning.html (access restricted), the report on March 15 by Al
Jezeera http://www.you tube.com/watch?v=zfnBVKrzX6Y, the video posted on YouTube
by cali2882 on March 15, 2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch ?v=JZLzKBvvGMg.
There was also a reporter for The Economist, James Miles who was in Lhasa and
described on March 20 the riots in a CNN interview as “ethnically-targeted violence” and
the Chinese police response as gradual and cautious. See,
.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/363 71/PDF/1/play/.
6. See for example post by FIA_cn, on the Militaryphotos.net website on March 23, 2008,
“Who Lie about Xizang (Tibet) Violence and How! at: http://www.militaryphotos
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.net/forums /archive/index.php/t-130727-p-6.html.
7. “Riot in Tibet: True face of western media” posted by dionysos615 on YouTube on
March 19, 2008,
https://www.you tube.com/watch?v=uSQnK5FcKas.
8. Quoted in China Daily, April 2, 2008.
9. Quoted in “Chinese netizens’ war against western media” April 3, 2008 by ruxincindy
(Cindy Ru) online at:
http://jmsc.edublogs.org/2008/04/03/chinese-netizens-war-against-
western-media/.
10. Interview with anti-CNN webmaster Qi Hanting, April 19, 2008, translated from
Chinese. See Ronda Hauben, “Netizens Defy Western Media Fictions of China.”
http://www.ais.org/~jrh /acn/ACn20-2.pdf, pp.7-9.
11. The anti-CNN forum is no longer online.
12. Online at:
http://www.columbia.edu/~rh120/ch106.x18.
13. See The Center for Research on Globalization, May 3 article at: http://www.global
research.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=245 91.
14. Tunisians Quest for Truth, http://tunisianquestfortruth.wordpr ess.com/ and Uprooted
Palestinians,
15. https://www.moonofalabama.org/.
The opinions expressed in articles are those of their authors and not neces-
sarily the opinions of the Amateur Computerist newsletter. We welcome
submissions from a spectrum of viewpoints.
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EDITORIAL STAFF
Ronda Hauben
William Rohler
Norman O. Thompson
Michael Hauben (1973-2001)
Jay Hauben
The Amateur Computerist invites submissions.
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Permission is given to reprint articles from this issue in a non
profit publication provided credit is given, with name of author
and source of article cited.
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