CHAPTER II

1. Bobrovskaya, Provocateurs, p. 26; O. Piatnitsky,Memoirs
of a Bolshevik (New York, n.d.), pp. 159-60.

2. A. K. Voronsky, The Waters of Life and Death (London,
[1936]), p. 312. Krupskaya, who was not at Prague but
met Malinovsky later that year, had a similar first
impression: "I did not like his eyes, his free and easy
manner, which was so obviously put on. The impression
wore off the very first time we talked business. . . .
[Then he] gave one the impression of being a very
intelligent and influential worker" (p. 244).

3. Den', No. 86 (16 June 1917), p. 3.

4. Adam B. Ulam, The Bolsheviks: The Intellectual and
Political History of the Triumph of Communism in
Russia (New York, 1965), p. 215.

5. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 114. See also ibid., p. 142.

6. Ibid., p. 140 (italics added). M.K. Muranov, G. I.
Petrovsky and A. E. Badaev were members of the
Bolshevik Duma fraction.

7. Piatnitsky, p. 163.

8. Voronsky, pp. 314-15. See also Tsiavlovskii, p. 98; M.
Rozanov, "S Leninym v Prage," Literaturnyi
Sovremennik, No. 2 (1937), pp. 161-62.

9. Voronsky, p. 314; Rabochaia gazeta, No. 62 (21 May
1917), p.2; Krylenko, Za piat'let, p. 341.

10. Lenin, PSS, XXIII, 8; L. Martov, "Vybornye zametki,"
Nasha zaria, Nos. 9-10 (1912); p. 72; Abraham Ascher,
Pavel Axelrod and the Development of Menshevism
(Cambridge, Mass., 1972), p. 295.

11. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 133 (emphasis and insertion in
the original).

77

ROMAN MALINOVSKY: A LIFE WITHOUT A CAUSE

12. Pravda, No. 159 (3 November 1912), p. 1.

13. Metallist, No. 23 (10 November 1912), p. 4.

14. Luch, No. 37 (28 October 1912), p. 2. It should be
noted that none of the other newly elected deputies
received a single write-up, let alone three.

15. Pravda, No. 168 (14 November 1912), p. 2.

16. Ibid., No. 176 (24 November 1912), p. 2.

17. See letter to Malinovsky dated 9 December 1913 in
the Okhrana Archives, file XVIIj, folder 1.

18. Rabochaia gazeta, No. 62 (21 May 1917), p. 3.

19. Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, No. 81 (16 June
1917), p. 3. See also greetings from more than 1,400
Warsaw workers in Pravda, No. 100 (3 May 1913),
pp. 2-3.

20. See police report 97738 of 10 April 1913 in Okhrana
Archives, file XVIb (2), folder 1; Tsiavlovskii, p. 142.
The official publication of the Bureau (Bulletin
periodique), however, does not list Malinovsky as a
Russian representative in 1913 or 1914.

21. Krupskaya, p. 244.

22. Quoted in Burtsev, Byloe, Vol. 1, Kn. 46 (1933), p. 71.

23. See, for instance, Gosudarstvennaia duma, Chetvertyi
sozyv: Stenograficheskie otchety, sess. 2, ch. Ill (St.
Petersburg, 1914), pp. 97-101. Badaev was so insig
nificant and unknown that Pravda misspelled his name
for over a month following his election. The fact that
he came to be known in the party code as "No. 1"
no more meant that he was the number one Bolshevik
than it did that Malinovsky (who was "No. 3") was the
"number three man in the party" (cf., Possony, Lenin,
pp. 131, 141). It is indicative of their lack of political
consequence that none of the Bolshevik deputies played
a significant role in Soviet politics during the 1920's and
that all (except Malinovsky and Shagov who also died
in 1918) survived the purges in good health.

24. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 123, 177, 198-99, 254. The school
never met in part because of the reluctance of the

78

FOOTNOTES for pages 28-30

deputies to leave Russia during the Duma's summer recess.

25. Badayev, p. 158.

26. PTsR, 111,491.

27. Gosudarstvennaia duma: Ukazatel' k stenograficheskim
otchetam, Chetvertyi sozyv, sess. 1, ch. I-IH, pp. 139-
40; sess. 2, pp. 166-67. Rather ironically, Malinovsky
was the first to sign an interpellation concerning
provocation by the Okhrana in the Social Democratic
fraction of the Second Duma. PTsR, III, 504.

28. PTsR, VII, 167. See also M. V. Rodzianko, "Iz
vospominanii M. V. Rodzianko, 1914-1917 gg.," Byloe,
No. 21 (1923), p. 248.

29. PTsR, III, 494, 496. Chkheidze, like so many others,
also saw another side of the Malinovsky: "he made
an impression on me of being extremely vain with a self-
esteem that bordered on illness. To me he seemed like
a careerist who would not stop at any means to further
his career." Ibid., 494.

30. No one wishes to take credit for originating this phrase.
Lenin said it was Trotsky (Rabochii, No. 2, 22 May
1914, p. 2); Krylenko said it was the Mensheviks (Za
piat' let, p. 340); the Mensheviks said it was Lenin
(Rabochaia gazeta, No. 62, 21 May 1917, p. 3).
Malinovsky, who was not unaware of these comparisons,
once wrote a long account of Bebel's career in Severnaia
pravda, No. 12 (15 August 1913), p. 3.

31. Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, No. 81 (16 June
1917), p. 3.

32. The story that Malinovsky was Pravda's treasurer had
its origins in a mistaken police report widely published
in 1917 (e.g., Rech, No. 140, 17 June 1917, p. 5).
The office, in fact, did not exist and the duties of a
treasurer were usually handled by the publisher. The
latter position, it is interesting to note, was held by
Malinovsky's wife from 22 January to 17 May 1914.

33. See letter from Krupskaya in Iz epokhi 'Zvezdy' i
'Pravdy', 111,217.

79

ROMAN MALINOVSKY: A LIFE WITHOUT A CAUSE

34. V. I. Lenin, Sochineniia (2nd ed.; Moscow, 1935),
XVII, 736. For a fuller discussion of Prav da's operations,
see R. C. Elwood, "Lenin and Pravda, 1912-1914,"
Slavic Review, XXXI, No. 2 (June 1972), 355-80.

35. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 153, 158; Pravda, No. 37 (14
February 1913), p. 3; Pravda, No. 55 (7 March 1913),
p. 3.

36. Bobrovskaya, Twenty Years, p. 223. The first issue did
not appear until 14 June 1914.

37. Iz epokhi 'Zvezdy' i 'Pravdy', III, 247; Tsiavlovskii,
p. xiii; Aronson, p. 39.

38. Of these, half were regular articles: "Vpechatleniia
S. D. deputatov s mest," Pravda, No. 28 (3 February
1913), pp. 1-2; "Moi privet," Pravda, No. 83 (10 April
1913), p. 1; "Privet metallistam," Metallist, No. 3
(15 June 1913), pp. 1-2; "U ogrady velikoi mogily,"
Severnaia pravda, No. 12 (15 August 1913), p.. 3;
"Vpechatleniia deputata," Za pravdu, No. 11 (16
October 1913), p. 1; "O zadachakh oppozitsii," Put'
pravdy, No. 29 (6 March 1914), p. 1; "Na fabrike
'Providnik' v Rige," Put' pravdy, No. 33 (11 March
1914), p. 2. The remaining seven contributions were
briefer communications. He also co-authored six other
articles or announcements.

39. Iz epokhi 'Zvezdy' i 'Pravdy', III, 199-201, 217; Lenin,
PSS, XLVIII, 126-27.

40. See police report 1016 of 28 July 1913 in the Okhrana
Archives, file XVIb (2), folder 1; Tsiavlovskii, pp. xiii,
136, 141; A. M. Volodarskaia, Lenin i partiia v gody
nazrevaniia revoliutsionnogo krizisa, 1913-1914
(Moscow, 1960), p. 182.

41. Police report 166180 of 25 January 1914 in Okhrana
Archives, file XVIb (2), folder 1.

42. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 129, 132.

43. Party and police reports differ on the precise sum
requested. See "Zasedaniia TsK RSDRP, 15-17 aprelia
1914 goda," Voprosy istorii KPSS, No. 4 (1957), p.

80

FOOTNOTES for pages 30-33

120; "Podgotovka s"ezda bol'shevistskoi partii v 1914 g.," Istoricheskii arkhiv, No. 6 (1958), pp. 10-11.

44. For various reports of this meeting, see police dispatch
371 of 21 February 1914 in Okhrana Archives, file
XIc (3), folder 1; file XVIIj, folder 1; Put' pravdy, No.
11 (2 February 1914), p. 1; I. P. Khoniavko, "Parizhskaia
sektsiia bol'shevikov do nachala voiny," Proletarskaia
revoliutsiia, No. 4(1923), 166-67.

45. Tsiavlovskii, p. 102.

46. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 172.

47. Police dispatch 97738 of 10 April 1913 in Okhrana
Archives, file XVIb (2), folder 1.

48. Tsiavlovskii, p. 131. Rather ironically, while Lenin
and Malinovsky were in Paris, suspicions began to grow
that Chernomazov had in fact agreed to serve the police
while under interrogation. The other members of the
editorial board put off acting until Malinovsky, their
security expert, returned. With new evidence in hand
and presumably with Malinovsky's concurrence,
Chernomazov was duly removed on 1 February.
"Deiatel'nosf TsK RSDRP po rukovodstvu gazetoi
'Pravda,' 1912-1914 gg.," Istoricheskii arkhiv, No. 4
(1959), pp. 45-46.

49. Volodarskaia, pp. 199-200. The delegate in question,
N. Zaema or "Zaitsev," was not cleared until after
the October Revolution.

50. Burtsev, La Cause Commune, 1 January 1919. Boris
Nicolaevsky has suggested that Burtsev did in fact
reveal the name of his contact inside the Moscow
Okhrana and that upon receiving Malinovsky's report
the official in question (Syrkin) was sent to Siberia.
Wolfe, Three Who Made a Revolution, p. 537.

51. Burtsev, Birzhevye vedomosti, 18 December 1916;
PTsR, 1,313-14.

52. Malinovsky claimed that he had bought his freedom by
agreeing not to participate further in political activity.
This disturbed at least one Moscow Social Democrat
who felt Malinovsky was "a talented man suitable for

81

ROMAN MALINOVSKY: A LIFE WITHOUT A CAUSE

an important role in the party" (D. F. Sverchkov, Na zare revoliutsii, Moscow, 1921, p. 277). To back up his cover story, the police arrested Malinovsky three more times before he acquired parliamentary immunity but always released him after a short spell in jail because of "insufficient evidence" of illegal political activity (Tsiavlovskii, p. 214).

53. Tsiavlovskii, p. x.

54. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918); Badaev, Krasnaia letopis, No. 3
(1929), p. 232.

55. It has been claimed that 55 police agents were active
in Moscow at this time and that 15 to 20 of them were
operating within the Social Democratic Party (Victor
Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary, 1901-1941, Oxford,
1967, p. 97; Robochaia gazeta, No. 62, 21 May 1917,
p. 3). It is quite possible that Malinovsky has been given
"credit" for some of their misdeeds. He has certainly
been given undue credit by some observers for the
reports of M. N. Malinovsky, another police agent who
attended Lenin's party school at Longjumeau in 1911.

56. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918); Krylenko, Za piat' let. p. 340;
Sverchkov, pp. 275-77.

57. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918); Erenfel'd, Voprosy istorii, No. 7
(1965), p. 110; Rabochaia gazeta, No. 62 (21 May
1917), p. 2.

58. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918). All ten of the Prague delegates who
returned to Russia were arrested by the end of the year
on information presumably provided by Malinovsky
and A. S. Romanov, another spy from Moscow present
at the Conference.

59. PTsR, III, 469.

60. Ibid., p. 281.

61. Ibid., p. 280; see also p. 108.

62. Rabochaia gazeta. No. 62 (21 May 1917), p. 3. See

82

FOOTNOTES for pages 33-36

also Krylenko, Za piat' let, pp. 332-33, 342;"Sotrud-niki Lenintsev," Rech, 20 May 1917, (newspaper clipping in the Nicolaevsky Collection, file 132, box 4, no. 27); Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, No. 81 (16 June 1917), pp. 2-3. Some sources (Lenin, Soch., 2nd ed., XVII, 736; Wolfe, Three Who Made aRevolution, p. 542) suggest that Krivov was in fact a rival of Malinovsky in the election. This is not supported by other evidence though Malinovsky was accused of using party pressure and personal invective against other rivals (Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91, 5 November 1918).

63. Tsiavlovskii, pp. x, xi.

64. See Beletsky's testimony in PTsR, III, 284-85.

65. Rech, 20 May 1917. All of the Duma biographies of
Malinovsky note that he worked in Germany during
1899-1901, rather than earlier as was the case. This
very likely was an attempt on his part to explain his
absence during his years in jail and to obfuscate his
past. See, for example, 4-i sozyv Gosudarstvennoi
dumy: khudozhestvennyi fototipicheskii al'bom s
portretami i biografiiami (St. Petersburg, 1913).

66. Krylenko, Za piat'let, p. 343; PTsR, III, 283.

67. Malinovsky supposedly asked at his trial in 1918: "Do
you think that I was elected to the Duma as a result
of your [i.e., Bolshevik] support? Not at all! I became
a member of the State Duma thanks to the efforts of
the Police Department. If I had had to murder my own
father and mother in order to be elected to the Duma,
I would not have hesitated." Burtsev, Struggling Russia,
Vol. l,Nos. 9/10, 17 May 1919, p. 139.

68. Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, No. 81 (16 June 1917),
p. 3.

69. Badayev, 157. Badaev implies that this was one of the
reasons Malinovsky wanted to run for the Duma.

70. See Vissarionov's testimony in PTsR, III, 466; V, 214,
216. On at least one occasion, they also met in
Beletsky's apartment {Pravda, No. 237, 1 November

83

ROMAN MALINOVSKY: A LIFE WITHOUT A CAUSE 1918, p. 4).

71. PTsR. Ill, 464; Krylenko, Za piat' let, pp. 332-33, 344.

72. PTsR, V, 216, 220.

73. Ibid., Ill, 286.

74. Ibid., p. 281. The Mensheviks judged him to be a success
in carrying out these instructions. In 1914 their news
paper noted that "in the last two years there has not
been one splitting act in which he was not the person
responsible." Nasha rabochaia gazeta. No. 10 (14 May
1914), p. 1.

75. Luch, No. 78 (18 December 1912), p. 1; Pravda, No.
196 (15 December 1912), p. 2.

76. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918); Badayev, p. 158. Malinovsky, never
one to waste his own money, charged his own 30-
ruble donation to Pravda to his police expense account.
Rech, No. 140 (17 June 1917), p. 5.

77. "The instructions of the Petersburg and Moscow workers
to their deputies clearly indicated the political line
the workers wished the fraction to follow. On the
question of the unity of the fraction, the Moscow
workers and their electors gave this formula: the unity
of all tendencies . . . ."Pravda, No. 167 (13 November
1912), p. 1.

78. Chkheidze provided a good description of these
difficulties in his testimony before the Investigatory
Commission. PTsR, 111,484-503.

79. KPSSvrez., I, 386.

80. PTsR, III, 485; V, 220. Burtsev was overstating the
case when he said "Beletsky was the inspirer" of the
split (ibid., I, 316). The inspiration, if that is what it
was, came from Lenin.

81. Ibid., Ill, 283.

82. Boris Sapir was told in February 1921 by a fellow
prisoner in Lubianka that Malinovsky had allowed the
Okhrana to plant microphones in the caucus room or
to eavesdrop from an adjoining room (interview, 23
July 1974).

84

FOOTNOTES for pages 36-41

83. See Chkheidze's suspicions, PTsR, III, 496-97.

84. Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5
November 1918). For police editing of Malinovsky's
speeches, see PTsR, III, 285-86; V, 84, 133,221.

85. Badayev, pp. 43-44; "Rech Malinovskogo v Gos. Dume,"
Byloe, (Paris, "New Series"), Vol. I, Kn. 46 (1933),
pp. 91-97; Krylenko, Za piat'let, p. 348.

86. PTsR, III, 282; Pravda, No. 237 (1 November 1918),
p. 4.

87. Lenin, PSS, XU, 28.

88. Edward Ellis Smith, The Young Stalin: The Early Years
of an Elusive Revolutionary (New York, 1967), pp. 261,
297, 301;Possony, Lenin, p. 132.

89. See Lenin's letter to Sverdlov of 27 January/9 February
1913 in PSS, XLVIII, 156-58. According to one account,
Malinovsky gave his fur coat to Sverdlov so that the
police would recognize him. E. I. Drabkina, Chernye
sukhari: rasskazy (Moscow, 1961), p. 41.

90. I. M. Sverdlov, Sbornik vospominanii i statei (Leningrad,
1926), pp. 43-44. Contrary to the evidence, Malinovsky
later claimed he was innocent of arranging these two
arrests (Pravda, No. 237, 1 November 1918, p. 4).

91. Badayev, p. 159; PTsR, IV, 431; V, 216, 222; Wolfe,
Three Who Made a Revolution, p. 537.

92. PTsR, III, 280.

93. Krylenko, Za piat'let, p. 332.