CHAPTER III

1.         Badayev, pp. 156, 160.

2.         Bobrovskaya, Provocateurs, p. 33.

3.         Tsvetkov-Prosveshchenskii, p. 125.

4.         Krupskaya, p. 268.

5.         Sotsial-demokrat,   No.   33   (19   October/1   November

1914), p. 2.

6.         Smith, p. 297.

7.         Krupskaya, p. 268.

8.         A.   T.   Vassilyev,   The   Ochrana:   The Russian  Secret

Police (London, 1930), p. 256.

9.         PTsR, V, 218. See also III, 460-61.

10.       Ibid., V, 220. See also III, 463-64.

11.       Ibid., VII,   168.  See also Rodzianko, Byloe,  No. 21

(1923),   p.   249;  Burtsev,  Russkoe  slovo,   25  March

1917.

12.       PTsR,1,315.

13.       Possony, Lenin, p.  150. See also Anin, Survey, XXI,

No. 4 (Autumn 1975), 153.

14.       Badayev, p. 160.

15.       General    A.    I.    Spiridovich   has   sharply   criticized

Dzhunkovsky for this action claiming that the govern┬

ment lost what could have been very valuable intelli

gence about Bolshevik dealings with the Germans dur

ing  World   War  I.  Istoriia   bol'shevizma  v Rossii ot

vozniknoveniia   do   zakhvata   vlasti,   1883-1903-1917

(Paris,   1922), p.  265.  See  also his  Velikaia voina i

fevral'skaia  revoliutsiia,   2   vols.   (New   York,   1960),

II, 113.

16.       A  more   detailed   account   of  these  changes   in   the

political balance sheet can be found in R. C. Elwood,

Russian   Social  Democracy   in   the   Underground:  A

Study of the RSDRP in the Ukraine, 1907-1914 (Assen,

1974), pp. 229-43.

17.       There is no firm evidence to support this hypothesis,

in part because it was clearly in Dzhunkovsky's interests

in 1917 to maintain that his motives in firing Malinovsky

were solely idealistic. It might be noted, however, that

a   year   later   the   Soviet   government   charged   that

Malinovsky,  by his sudden departure from the Duma,

"delivered an extremely serious blow to the workers

movement,  introduced disorganization into the ranks

of revolutionary and party organizations, made possible

the slandering of the entire workers movement by the

enemies of the revolution, undermined  the prestige,

revolutionary authority and significance of the entire

fraction . . . and committed his greatest crime against

the revolution." Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta, No. 91 (5 November 1918). See also Krylenko, Zapiat'let, p. 345.

18.       Interview   with   Rodzianko   entitled   "Malinovskii   i

Rodzianko," published on  18 June 1917 probably in

Utro  Rossii  (newspaper clipping in the Nicolaevsky

Collection, file  132, box 4, no. 27). Rodzianko gave

several rather contradictory accounts about this sequence

of events. Cf., Rodzianko, Byloe, No. 21 (1923), pp.

248-49;   B.   I.   Nikolaevskii,  "K delu Malinovskago,"

Rabochaia gazeta,  No.  83  (17 June  1917), pp. 2-3;

PTsR,    VII,    167-68.   Dzhunkovsky's   version   is   in

PTsR, V, 85-86.

19.       For  accounts   of this  session,   see   Gosudarstvennaia

duma,   Chetvertyi  sozyv:   Stenograficheskie  otchety,

sess.  2, ch.  Ill, pp.  763-801; Badayev, pp.   145-47;

F. Samoilov, Po sledam minuvshego (2nd ed.; Moscow,

1948), pp. 224-25.

20.       PTsR, V, 85.

21.       Put' pravdy,  No.  84 (12 May  1914), p.  l.See also

Put' pravdy, No. 82 (10 May 1914), p. 1; Badayev, p.

160; Samoilov, p. 225;PTsR, III, 499.

22.       Police report of 30 May  1914 in Okhrana Archives,

file XVIIj, folder 1.

23.       Gosudarstvennaia    duma,    Chetvertyi   sozyv:    Steno┬

graficheskie otchety, sess. 2, ch. IV, pp. 114-21. See

also   Chkheidze's  account   of  this  session   in  PTsR,

III, 498.

 

24.       Rodzianko, Byloe, No. 21 (1923), p. 249.

25.       Gosudarstvennaia   duma,    Chetvertyi   sozyv:    Steno┬

graficheskie  otchety,  sess.  2, ch.  IV, p.  263. N. E.

Markov, one of the leaders of the reactionary Union

of Russian Men and a constant thorn in the side of the

Social Democratic fraction,  is always referred  to in

contemporary accounts as "Markov II" to differentiate

him from the Octobrist deputy, N. L. Markov ("I").

26.       Put'pravdy, No. 84(12 May 1914), p. 1.

27.       Samoilov, p. 135.

28.       Police report 1313 of 7/20 August 1914 concerning the

Menshevik    investigation    of   Malinovsky's    conduct,

Okhrana Archives, file XVIIj, folder 1.

29.       Put'pravdy, No. 84 (12 May 1914), p. 1.

30.       Ibid., No. 91 (20 May 1914), p. 2.

31.       Ibid., No. 84 (12 May 1914), p. 1.

32.       Ibid.

33.       Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 8(11 May 1914), p. 3.

34.       Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 293 (the last two sentences are in

English in the original).

35.       Aronson, p. 25.

36.       Put' pravdy, No. 82 (10 May   1914), p. 1; Rabochii,

No. 5 (28 May 1914), p. 2. On the question of strike

funds,  Pravda   noted  that Malinovsky had given his

wife    power    of   attorney    over   all    funds   in   his

possession or which she might receive in his absence

(Put' pravdy,  No. 87,  15 May 1914, p. 2). She then

signed these over to Muranov (Sotsial-demokrat, No. 58,

18/31   January   1917,   p.   2).   The  Mensheviks quite

rightly noted that the premeditation of this act called

to question the various Bolshevik explanations for his

departure  {Nasha rabochaia gazeta,  No.  12,  17 May

1914,p. 1).

37.       Put'pravdy, No. 90 (18 May 1914), p. 2.

38.       Ibid., No. 89 (17 May 1914), p. 2.

39.       Ibid., No. 91 (20 May 1914), p. 2. Lenin was not happy

with   the   degree   of conscience   that  the  editors of

Pravda  and   the   Duma   deputies  were showing over

Malinovsky's disappearance and told them specifically

not to expel the ex-deputy. Lenin, PSS, XLVIII, 294.

40.       Gosudarstvennaia   duma,    Chetvertyi   sozyv:    Steno-

graficheskie otchety, sess. 2, ch. IV, pp. 397, 477.

41.       PTsR, III, 500.

42.       Somewhat later it was announced that Malinovsky had

contacted two lawyers in St. Petersburg, N. D. Sokolnikov and N. N. Krestinsky, about instituting libel proceedings against these papers (Rabochii, No. 5, 28 May 1914, p. 2). This threat did not deter them in the least.

43.       Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 8(11 May 1914), p. 2.

44.       Ibid., No. 9 (13 May 1914), p. 1.

45.       Ibid., No. 12(17 May 1914), p. 1.

46.       Ibid., No. 15(21 May 1914), p. 1.

47.       Ibid., No. 17 (23 May 1914), p. l.One of those who

had  not  heard   the   rumors  until several days  after

Malinovsky's flight was the Menshevik Duma chairman,

Chkheidze. "I was astonished: if all this was already

and definitely known, why had no one talked to me

personally before?" Testimony before the Investigatory

Commission in PTsR, III, 500.

48.       Put'pravdy, No. 90 (18 May   1914), p. 2.

49.       Report from Birzhevye vedomosti cited in Put' pravdy,

No. 90 (18 May 1914), p. 2.

50.       Krylenko, Za piat'let, p. 347.

51.       Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 21 (29 May 1914), p. 1;

No. 20 (28 May 1914), p. 2.

52.       A footnote  in  an early edition of Lenin's collected

works indicates that the questioning of Rozmirovich,

Saveliev, Bukharin and the latter's wife continued on

into June and early July (Soch., 2nd ed., XVII, 738).

Rozmirovich, however, admitted that she did not even

arrive in Poronin until "August 1914" (N.S.?) at which

.time she gave her testimony (Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr'-

skoi   revoliutsii:   Avtobiografii   i   biografii,      3   vols;

Moscow,   1926,   II,   210).   One   wonders  how   much

evidence the tribunal in fact received before rendering

its quick verdict.

 

53.       Trotsky, p. 150; Nikolaevskii, Rabochaia gazeta, No. 85

(20 June 1917), p. 2.

54.       Lenin, PSS, XXXII, 511.

55.       Stephen    F.    Cohen,   Bukharin   and   the   Bolshevik

Revolution: A Political Biography (New York, 1973), pp. 12-13, 18, 392. According to Shub (p. 146), Malinovsky was called to Poronin in 1912 to answer Bukharin's charge. There is no other confirmation that Malinovsky took time off from the Duma election campaign to visit Lenin at this time.

56.       See, for example, Bobrovskaya, Provocateurs, p. 27.

57.       Lenin, PSS, XXV, 458. Lenin's letter is supposedly lost

and Bukharin's response, while extant, has apparently

never been published.

58.       Police   report   97738 of  10 April   1913  in  Okhrana

Archives, XVIb (2), folder 1.

59.       Sumsky ms., pp. 3-4, in the Nicolaevsky Collection,

file  132, box 4, no. 27. Sumsky's account, which is

inaccurate in many other details, is suspect. The letter

which Troyanovsky supposedly sent does not appear

among the vast collection of intercepted correspondence

in the Okhrana Archives. E. E. Smith speculates (pp.

282-83)   that   Troyanovsky,   if  he   wrote   the   letter,

was  really  threatening  to  expose  Stalin  rather  than

Malinovsky   and   that   he   planted   the   story   with

Sumsky on  the eve of the purges as a reminder to

Stalin and as an insurance policy for himself. Beletsky's

conversation with Malinovsky was allegedly related by

the ex-Director of Police to the Investigatory Commission

in 1917. It does not appear in his extensive published

testimony   but   according   to   Sumsky   was   seen   in

stenographic   form   by   an   unnamed  individual   who

repeated it to him verbatim many years later. These

stories are found in many Western studies but do not

find confirmation in Soviet accounts of the Malinovsky

affair.

60.       See Troyanovsky's subsequent  telegram published in

Edinstvo, No. 24 (27 April 1917), p. 2.

61.       Lenin, Soch.,  2nd ed., XVII, 737.

61. Okhrana Archives, file XVIIj, folder 1. There also is a friendly letter from Malinovsky to Troyanovsky in file XVIIk, folder 1.

63.       Pis'ma  P.B.   Aksel'roda  i I.   O.  Martova,  1901-1916

(Berlin, 1924), p. 292. It might be noted that Troy┬

anovsky had increasingly moved toward the Mensheviks

as the war approached perhaps because of the Malinovsky

affair,  perhaps  because   of growing differences with

Lenin    over    nationalities    policy,   perhaps   because

Rozmirovich was now  living with another Bolshevik

agent      and  Malinovsky's subsequent prosecutor —

N. V. Krylenko.

64.       Copies in the Nicolaevsky Collection, file 132, box 4,

folder 27.

65.       Testimony    before    the    Investigatory    Commission,

PTsR, I, 314.

66.       Burtsev, "Eshche o dele Malinovskogo," undated and

presumably unpublished manuscript in the Nicolaevsky

Collection, file 132, box 4, folder 27.

67.       Trudovaia pravda, No. 11 (10 June 1914), p. 1.

68.       PTsR, 1,314.

69.       See police intercept of letter from Paris dated 14 June

1914 in Okhrana Archives, file XVIIj, folder 1.

70.       Pis'ma Aksel'roda i Martova, pp. 291-92.

71.       See apology of Kharkov's Utro to Malinovsky for having

reprinted   some   of   these   accounts,   republished   in

Put' pravdy, No. 89 (17 May 1914), p. 2. Chkheidze

also later acknowledged that he had to restrain some of

his colleagues from spreading accusations which lacked

supporting evidence. PTsR, III, 500.

72.       Tsioglinsky's charges, which had earlier been rejected

both by Pravda's editors and after investigation by the

Bolshevik  Duma fraction (Trudovaia pravda, No.  10,

8 June 1914, p. 2), were finally printed in very veiled

fashion in Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 31  (10 June

1914), p. 2.

73.       Rabochii, No. 4 (25 May 1914), p. 1; see also Trudovaia

pravda, No. 15 (14 June 1914), p. 2. Martov and Dan

avoided the challenge by noting that the Okhrana could

penetrate a "free court" and thus jeopardize witnesses

from the  underground. Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No.

20 (28 May 1914), p. 1.

74.       Tsvetkov-Prosveshchenskii, p. 124.

75.       N.   Bukharin,   "Pamiati   Il'icha," Pravda,   21   January

1925,p. 1.

76.       A. Solzhenitsyn, Lenin v Tsiurikhe: glavy (Paris, 1975),

pp. 81-82.

77.       Cited in  B.  I.  Nikolaevskii,  "K delu Malinovskago,"

Rabochaia gazeta, No. 87 (22 June 1917), p. 2.

78.       Krupskaya, p. 276.

79.       Trudovaia pravda, No. 3 (31 May 1914), p. 2. See also

Lenin's telegram published in Rabochii, No. 4 (25 May

1914), p. 1.

80.       Trudovaia pravda, No. 15(14 June 1914), p. 2.

81.       Lenin, PSS, XXV, 630. This telegram does not appear

in his collected works.

82.       Put'pravdy, No. 87 (15 May 1914), p. 1.

83.       Lenin, PSS, XXV, 632.

84.       Ibid., XLVIII, 294 (emphasis in the original).

85.       See,   for   example,   Kamenev's   article   "K   ukhodu

Malinovskago,"   Trudovaia  pravda,  No.  26  (27 June

1914), p. 2.

86.       A.   S.   Kiselev,   "V   poronine,"  Byloe   (Paris    "New

Series"), Vol. I. Kn. 46 (1933), pp. 127-28.

87.       V. Degot, Pod znamenem bol'shevizma: Zapiski podpol'-

shchika (Moscow, 1927), p. 87.

88.       Vestnik  prikazchika,  No.   17  (18 May   1914),  p.  2;

Metallist, No. 8 (12 June 1914), p. 4.

89.       Edinstvo, No. 1 (18 May 1914), p. 2.

90.       Bor'ba, Nos. 7/8 (6 July 1914), p. 9.

91.       Edinstvo, No. 2 (1 June 1914), p. 2.

92.       Metallist, No. 8 (12 June 1914), p. 3.

93.       Bor'ba, Nos. 7/8 (6 July 1914), pp. 9-10.

94.       Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 10 (14 May 1914), p. 1.

95.       Bor'ba, Nos. 7/8 (6 July 1914), p. 9.

96.       Lenin, PSS, XXV, 394; Put' pravdy, No. 84 (12 May

1914), p. 1.

97.       Edinstvo, No. 2 (1 June 1914), p. 2; Trudovaia pravda,

No. 7(5 June 1914), p. 3.

98.       Lenin, PSS, XXVI, 127. See also ibid., XXV, 394-95.

99.       Ibid., XXV, 442.

100.    Ibid., XLVIII, 324-25.

101.    Ibid., XXV, 341.

102.    Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 20 (28 May 1914), p. 2.

103.    For  a  Menshevik  appraisal   of Malinovsky's  trial in

Galicia, see Nasha rabochaia gazeta, No. 20 (28 May

1914),   p.   2.   Trotsky   also  criticized the "complete

futility"   of Lenin's investigation which he  felt  was

itself a "source of aggravation, discord and anxiety."

He too wanted an impartial, non-factional investigation

of the affair. Bor'ba, Nos. 7/8 (6 July 1914), p. 9.

104.    Police report   1313  dated  7/20 August   1914 in the

Okhrana Archives, file XVIIj, folder 1. Unfortunately,

neither the  names of the witnesses appearing before

this Commission  nor the  specific evidence  collected

have been published.

105.    Burtsev, Struggling Russia, Vol.  1, Nos. 9/10 (17 May

1919), p. 138. See also Burtsev, Birzhevye vedomosti,

18 December 1916; PTsR, I, 314.

106.    A.   S.   Shapovalov,   V  izgnanii:   sredi   bel'giiskikh   i

frantsuzskikh rabochikh (Moscow, 1927), p. 158.

107.    Krupskaya, p. 276.

108.    Kiselev, Byloe, Vol. I, Kn. 46 (1933), p. 128.

109.    Edinstvo, No. 1 (29 March 1917), p. 3; Krylenko, Za

piat' let, p. 347. There is not total agreement on this

point. Dzhunkovsky told the Investigatory Commission

in 1917 that he felt Malinovsky had volunteered for the

Russian army in France (PTsR. V, 85; VII, 374). This is

a good example of the imprecision of both the Okhrana

and the Commission's findings since the Deputy Director

had obviously  confused his prime agent provocateur

with the  future Soviet marshal, Rodion Malinovsky,

who had indeed fought on the western front. Other sources suggest that Roman Malinovsky was caught in Germany by the outbreak of the war and was interned (P. Osipov, "DeloMalinovskogo: Istoricheskaia spravka," newspaper clipping from Riga's Trudovaia my si, 20 April 1930, in the Nicolaevsky Collection, file 132, box 4, no. 27; Possony, Der Monat, Heft 71, August 1954, p. 493).

110.    Golos, No. 26 (13 October 1914), p. 1, citing report in

Russkoe slovo of 16 September 1914.

111.    See  letter to V. A. Karpinsky, PSS, XLIX,   18. The

obituary itself does not appear in his collected works.

112.    Sotsial-demokrat,   No.   33   (19  October/1   November

1914), p. 2.

113.    Ibid., No. 34 (22 November/5 December 1914), p. 4.

See also Golos, No. 64 (26 November 1914), p. 2.

114.    Pravda, No. 237(1 November 1918), p. 4.

115.Ibid.

116.    Considerable evidence exists but it is not  available.

Russian  military intelligence in western Europe took

an interest in Malinovsky's activity and duly filed a

report on  16 October 1916 (PTsR, II, 317). Lenin's

correspondence    with   him    was   submitted   to   the

Investigatory Commission in  1917 (Pis'ma Aksel'roda

i Martova, p. 292) but it too was not published either

by the Provisional Government or by the Soviet editors

of the Polnoe sobranie sochinenii. And finally, according

to the index prepared by the Hoover Institution, some

material on Malinovsky's wartime  conduct has been

preserved in the Okhrana Archives but unfortunately

when the relevant file (XIc (3), folder 1) was delivered

to me, it was mysteriously empty.

117.    Walter, p. 251.

118.    "Antivoennaia  rabota bol'shevikov,   1914-1917   gg.,"

Istoricheskii arkhiv, No. 5 (1961), pp. 100-101. Further

information on emigre assistance to Russian prisoners-

of-war can be found in Alfred Erich Senn, The Russian

Revolution in Switzerland, 1914-1917 (Madison, 1971),

119.    Den', No. 86 (16 June 1917), p. 3; Tsiavlovskii, p. xv.

Less   enthusiastic    reports    reached    the   Provisional

Government that Malinovsky "allowed himself to be

taken prisoner," that he "enjoyed great favor among

the  German   officers"   (Edinstvo,   No.   1,   29   March

1917, p.  3),  and that he was conducting "anarchist

propaganda"   among   the   Russian   prisoners   (PTsR,

III, 502).

120.    See letters to Zinoviev and Inessa Armand in Lenin,

PSS.XUX, 261,282-83.

121.    Quoted in Burtsev, Struggling Russia, Vol. I, Nos 9/10

(17 May 1919), p. 139.

122.    PTsR, 1,315.

123.    Gosudarstvennaia   duma,    Chetvertyi   sozyv:    Steno-

graficheskie otchety, sess. 5, ch. 1, p. 200.

124.    Birzhevye  vedomosti,   5   December   1916.   Unsatisfied

with the "indignant answer" he received from Muranov,

Burtsev   repeated   his suspicions in a second  article,

"Otvet    chlenu    G.    Dumy    Muranovu,"    Birzhevye

 vedomosti, 18 December 1916.

125.    Sotsial-demokrat, No. 58 (18/31 January 1917), p. 2

(emphasis in the original).

 

EPILOGUE

1.         For  the   destruction   and   incomplete   nature   of the

Okhrana  archives, see Rabochaia gazeta, No. 62 (21

May 1917), p. 3; V. Zhilinskii, "Organizatsiia i zhizn'

okhrannago   otdeleniia   vo   vremena   tsarskoi  vlasti,"

Golos   minuvshago,   Nos.    9/10   (September/October

1917), pp.  248-50; V. Maksakov, "Arkhiv revoliutsii

i vnes'hnei politiki XIX i XX w.," Arkhivnoe delo,

XIII (1927), 27-41.

2.         See, for example, Pravda, No. 7 (12 March 1917), p.4;

No. 8 (14 March 1917), p. 4.

3.         PTsR, 1,315-16.

4.         "Otvet   na   postavlennyi  vopros," Russkoe slovo,   25

March 1917.

5.         Edinstvo,   No.   1   (29  March   1917), p. 3; Rabochaia

gazeta, No. 17 (26 March 1917), p. 3.

6.         Rabochaia gazeta, No. 63 (24 May 1917), p. 2; No. 67

(28 May 1917), pp. 2-3; No. 83 (17 June 1917), pp. 2-3;

No. 85 (20 June 1917), p. 2; No. 87 (22 June 1917),

p. 2.

7.         "Delo   Malinovskago  i   dr.,"  ibid., No.  62  (21   May

1917), pp. 2-3.

8.         On   17  March Lenin wrote  an article defending the

Bolsheviks' handling of the Chernomazov affair in 1914.

Malinovsky is mentioned as being a sometime member

of the Duma fraction but not as Chernomazov's co-

worker in the service of the Okhrana. Pravda, which

had   itself   noted   Malinovsky   among   the   exposed

provocateurs    on    29    March,1   saved   Lenin    further

embarrassment   by   declining   to  publish   the   article.

Lenin, PSS, XXXI, 79-82, 521-22.

9.         Letter of 17 March 1917 in ibid., XLIX, 423.

10.       Ibid., XXXII, 222 (emphasis in the original).

11.       Ibid., XXV, 102, 116, 146.

12.       Vestnik   vremennago  pravitel'stva,   No.   81   (16 June

1917), p. 3. Lenin repeated these sentiments in 1920

when he commented on Malinovsky for the last time

in " 'Left-wing' Communism - An Infantile Disease."

Lenin, PSS, XLI, 28.

13.       Utro Rossii, 23 June 1917 (newspaper clipping in the

Nicolaevsky Collection, file 132, box 4, no. 27). The

officials charged were I. A. Makarev, I. M. Zolotarev,

S. P. Beletsky, S. E. Vissarionov, A. P. Martynov and

V. G. Ivanov. A special investigator was named who

continued to collect information concerning Malinovsky

while the Bolsheviks called on their followers to submit

all available documentation on the issue to the Commis

sion {Pravda, No. 73, 17 June 1917, p. 3).

14.       Nikolaevskii, Rabochaia gazeta, No. 85 (20 June 1917),

p. 2.

15.       "Pis'mo    Malinovskago    ministru    iustitsii,"   Russkaia

volia,   8  August   1917.  The  minister replied that no

obstacles would  be placed in the way of his return

and that he would be tried if the evidence against him

warranted it. "Malinovskii," Russkoe slovo,    9 August

1917 (both clippings are in the Nicolaevsky Collection,

file 132, box 4, no. 27).

16.       ?ossony, DerMonat, Heft 71 (August 1954), p. 495.

17.       Ibid., pp. 494-95.

18.       Vaksberg, Znanie-sila, No. 5 (1964), p. 51.

19.       Solzhenitsyn, p. 233.

20.       "Arest  Malinovskogo,"   typescript  of an article from

Vechernie Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta,  No.  81  (24

October 1918) in the Nicolaevsky Collection, file 132,

box  4,  no.   27.  For  a  slightly different version, see

Burtsev, Struggling Russia, Vol. 1, Nos. 9/10 (17 May

1919), p. 138.

21.       Serge, p. 98.

22.       Ibid., citing the account of the Peoples Commissar of

Justice, M. I. Kozlovsky, who interrogated Malinovsky.

23.       See   summary  of Malinovsky's confession  in Pravda,

No. 237 (1 November 1918), p. 4.

24.       Ibid.

25.       Vechernie  Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta,   No.  91   (5

November 1918). Emphasis added.

26.       The fact that the trial was closed and that no record

of it has been published (save Krylenko's speech and the

accusations against Malinovsky) makes reconstruction

difficult.   Lenin's  attendance,   which one  would not

expect given his health and the embarrassing nature

of   the   trial,   is  verified   by   an   eye-witness     (Olga

Anikst,   "Vospominaniia   o   Lenine,"   in   O   Lenine:

Vospominaniia, 4 vols.; Moscow, 1925, IV, 93) and by current Soviet historians (e.g., Vaksberg, Znanie-sila, No. 5, 1964, p. 51). See also Anin, Survey, XXI, No. 4 (Autumn 1975), p. 154.

27.       Krylenko, Za piat' let, p. 348; Badayev, p. 161.

28.       Burtsev, Struggling Russia, Vol. I, Nos. 9/10 (17 May 1919), p. 139. See also Spiridovich, Istoriia bol-shevizma, p. 260.

29.       Anin, Survey, XXI, No. 4 (Autumn 1975), 151-52. See also Aronson, p. 59

30.       V. I. Lenin i A. M. Gor'kii: Pis'ma, vospominaniia, dokumenty (Moscow, 1969), p. 333.

31.       Possony, Der Monat, Heft 71 (August 1954), p. 496. See also Possony, Lenin, pp. 142-43.

 

32.       E. H. Wilcox, "The Secret Police of the Old Regime," Fortnightly Review, CVIII (December 1917), 829.

33.       Krylenko, Za piat' let, p. 348; Badayev, pp. 162-63; Erenfel'd, Voprosy istorii, No. 7 (1965), pp. 115-16.

34.       Serge, p. 98.