Should the Green Party mollify the Democrats?

 

posted to www.marxmail.org on April 1, 2004

 

Ted Glick, a long-time leftist in the USA and erstwhile Green candidate for the Senate from the state of New Jersey, has written a series of attacks on a 2004 presidential bid by Ralph Nader. A google search on "Ted Glick" and Nader turned up "Don't Run Like This, Ralph" and "Eight Questions for Ralph Nader". The latest to show up on my radar screen was a Znet item that appeared on March 30. Titled "2004 and the Left", it amounts to a recitation of all the arguments that have been mounted against Ralph Nader running in what Connecticut Green John Halle called "the establishment progressive media" on LBO-Talk. (http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=41&ItemID=5243)

 

It is what Nader himself described as a "liberal virus" in an interview with the NY Times on March 31:

 

Ralph Nader knows all the arguments against him. He can recite, word for importuning word, the letters from old friends urging him not to run for president -- "all individually written, all stunningly similar" -- and he does so with the theatrical relish of a man whose public life has been one long, unyielding argument with the world.

 

"Here's how it started," he said, his soft voice taking on mock oratorical tones over dinner with a group of aides in Charlotte, N.C., last week: "For years, I've thought of you as one of our heroes." He rolled his eyes. "The achievements you've attained are monumental, in consumer, environmental, etc., etc." He paused for effect. "But this time, I must express my profound disappointment at indications that you are going to run."

 

"And the more I got of these," Mr. Nader said, "the more I realized that we are confronting a virus, a liberal virus. And the characteristic of a virus is when it takes hold of the individual, it's the same virus, individual letters all written in uncannily the same sequence. Here's another characteristic of the virus: Not one I can recall ever said, 'What are your arguments for running?'"

 

Although Glick doesn't position himself as an ABB type exactly, he certainly is willing to serve as their attorney. Mostly his article seems anxious to demonstrate that George W. Bush is Greater Evil and to belittle anybody who doesn't see things that way.

 

He was "surprised" to hear Peter Camejo saying at a NYC meeting on March 28th that "Kerry will be able to do what Bush wants to do better." Since I don't have Camejo's full text in front of me, it is difficult to figure out what he was really trying to say. I do know that Camejo could hardly have been accused of failing to distinguish between Democrats and Republicans since he was highly deferential to Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante in the recent recall election in California--so much so that his ultraleft critics viewed him as selling out to the Democrats. My guess is that Camejo was saying that there will be no Congressional opposition to Kerry following through on his promise to double the number of troops in Iraq if elected President, but who knows without the proper documentation.

 

Glick is basically mounting a false polemic. He characterizes radicals in the Debs and Malcolm X tradition as having the same outlook as expressed in George Wallace's pithy observation that "there's not a dime's worth of difference between the two parties". In reality, this is not our view at all. If there were no substantive differences between the two parties, the system would collapse. For example, if at the next convention the Democrats announced that they were adopting a program of opposition to abortion rights and affirmative action, etc., the Green Party would begin to grow like wildfire. The only way that the Democrats can retain the allegiance of leftwing activists who identify with the Nation Magazine or who operate in the Committees of Correspondence milieu is by taking such positions. With their support, the Democrats are in a better position to assist the Republicans in their reactionary attacks as well as coming up with their own initiatives such as abolishing aid to dependent children or bombing Yugoslavia for 76 days straight.

 

Glick urges the left to be mindful of the needs of our friends in the Democratic Party: "We need to maintain our connections with those with whom we share generally similar positions on the issues (as in the Kucinich and Sharpton campaigns). Over time, if we do our first two tasks well, there will be an increasing number of Democrats who become former Democrats as they come over to our side." In other words, if we play nice with them, they will play nice with us.

 

This is not a Democratic Party that I am very familiar with. Even after Matt Gonzalez endorsed Dennis Kucinich for President (a mistake in my opinion), the Democrats ganged up on Gonzalez in a bare-knuckles fashion. Viewing a Gonzalez victory as a potential blow to the class interests of real estate developers, investors and law firms in San Francisco, they brought in Bill Clinton and Al Gore to rally support for Gavin Newsom who supported Bush in 2000. This is not to speak of all the DP efforts to put obstacles in the path of the Green Party getting on the ballot in local races around the country.

 

Finally, Glick urges the left to rally around the presidential bid of Green Party leader David Cobb who promises a "strategic states" campaign. This is a promise that the Greens will not be on the ballot in hotly contested states, where votes for a Green might work against a Kerry victory. This promise is meant to assuage all the angry Democrats who blamed Nader for Bush's victory in 2000. Of course, they fail to acknowledge the real problem, which was the lackluster, centrist campaign of Al Gore, now being repeated by John Kerry. Kerry has just announced that Roger Altman and Gene Sperling, two Clintonistas, will be responsible for formulating his economic policy, which will include corporate tax cuts as a centerpiece. He has also been curiously quiet on Richard Clarke's revelations. In 2000, if Gore had simply won in his home state of Tennessee and in Arkansas, the home state of Bill Clinton, he would have been elected president. The blame, to paraphrase William Shakespeare, is not in Ralph Nader but in themselves.

 

Right now, the Green Party future is questionable. As long as the majority of the party continues to see itself as on the side of the Democrats against the Republicans, and making decisions about where and when to run candidates on that basis, it has no future. The history of American politics is strewn with the wreckage of 3rd parties that took that tack.

 

The fundamental problem of the Green Party is *class*. With so many of its members and leaders ensconced in middle class professions, shopkeeping, nonprofits, etc., it will be susceptible to the mood swings of brethren Democrats from that same social milieu. Sooner or later, the working class in the USA will be impelled to forge its own electoral instrument as well as its own forms of non-electoral struggle. When that day arrives, the last thing they will have on their mind is mollifying the Democratic Party.