The Take
Posted to www.marxmail.org on
In the opening moments of Avi
Lewis and Naomi Klein's documentary about occupied factories in
For non-Marxist radicals like Klein, coming up with a model
means first of all rejecting the USSR or Cuba which are dismissed as verticalist nightmares at the beginning of the film. The
attraction of occupied factories in
The film focuses on the efforts of workers to keep three
factories running on a cooperative basis: Forja San
Martin, Zanon and Brukman.
Although Brukman, a garment shop, has only 58
workers, it is by far the best-known of these experiments. For autonomists, it
has achieved the kind of mythic proportions that the St. Petersburg Soviet has
for some Marxists. (It should be mentioned that the sectarian Marxist left
rallied around Brukman as well, not so much because
it was a model but because it was seen as an apocalyptic struggle between
society's two main classes.)
What gives the film its most dramatic tension is the uneasy
relationship between a young woman who is working at Zanon,
a ceramics plant, and her mother--an ardent Peronista.
For her daughter, voting is a sign that you support the "system." Her
mother is a precinct organizer for the Nestor Kirchner campaign. Kirchner was
running against former President Carlos Menem, who
had been the chief architect of the undoing of
If you can filter out Lewis and Klein's autonomist
preaching, you are left with an inspiring story of the spirit of cooperation of
working people. In many of these factories, workers have decided to pay
themselves an equal wage. In addition, the fact that these factories can
operate without a boss is a testimony to the feasibility of socialism.
The film fails both as a coherent narrative and as ideology
by taking a dismissive attitude toward the role of the government following the
election of Kirchner. It states that he has cut a deal with the IMF, just as Menem his predecessor did. The truth is more complex. In
reality Kirchner has tried to balance himself between the Argentine masses and
the IMF after the fashion of Michael Manley in
We might also ask whether
By October 1960 most
of the administrative and technical personnel had left
The Revolutionary
Government had to keep the factories and mines going only with a minute
proportion of the usual trained and experienced personnel. A few examples can
perhaps best give an idea of what happened.
Five of us from the
Ministry of Foreign Commerce, on a business visit, were being taken through the
Moa nickel plant. In the electric power station--itself a large plant--which
served the rest of the complex, our guide was an enthusiastic youngster of
about 22. He did an excellent job as guide, but his modesty as well as his age
deceived us and only toward the end of our tour did we realize that he was not
some sort of apprentice engineer or assistant--he was in charge of the plant. I
noticed that he spoke English well and asked him if he had lived in the States.
"Sure," he answered, "I studied engineering at Tulane." As
soon as he finished, he had come back to work for the Revolution and had been
placed in charge of the power plant.
In another part of the
complex, the head of one of the key departments was a black Cuban who had about
four years of elementary school education. He had been an observant worker and
when engineer of his department left he knew what to do--although he didn't
really know why, or how his department related to the others in the plant. Now
to learn why, he was plugging away at his minimo tecnico manual--one of the little mimeographed booklets
which had been distributed throughout industry to improve people's knowledge of
their jobs.
And so on throughout
the Moa plant. The engineer in charge of the whole enterprise, who had a long
cigar in his hand and his feet on the desk as he gave us his criticisms of the
way our Ministry was handling his import requirements, was about 28 years old.
His chief assistants were about the same age and some of them were obviously
not engineers.
Yet Moa was made to
function. Even laymen are struck with its delicate beauty--a testament to
American engineering skill. 'Es una joya'--it's a jewel, say the Cubans. It is much more
impressive than the larger but older nickel plant at Nicaro.
Shortly after the nickel ore is clawed out of the earth by giant Bucyrus power
shovels, it a pulverized and mixed with water to form a mixture 55 percent and
45 percent water. From then on all materials movement is liquids, in pipes,
automatically controlled. The liquids move through the several miles of the
complex, in and out of the separate plants, with the reducers, mixing vats,
etc. Everything depends on innumerable delicate instruments, and on unusual
materials, resistant to exceptions high temperatures and various kinds of
chemical reaction. The margin for improvising in repairing or replacing parts
is small-much smaller than in the mechanized rather than the automated Nicaro plant. Yet the Moa plant was in operation when we
were there: two of the main production lines were going-and all four would have
been going jf it had not been necessary to
cannibalize two lines to get replacement parts for the other two.
Except that Moa was an
especially complex and difficult operation, jt was
typical of what happened throughout the mines and factories, and far that
matter in the railroads, banks, department stores, and movie houses that had
been taken over. The large oil companies had expected that the Cubans would not
be able to run the oil refineries. But they were wrong. When a co-worker and I
talked to the young administrator of the now combined Esso-Shell
refineries across the bay from Havana, he said, only half-jokingly, that he was
about two lessons ahead of us in his understanding of how the refinery
worked--and I wondered how it was kept going. But we had been around the ten
minutes earlier and there it was--going.
A textile plant was
placed in the charge of a bearded young man of about 23 who had impressed Major
Guevara with his courage and resourcefulness in the Rebel Army. The former
Procter and Gamble plant, which each year turns out several million dollars
worth of soaps, and tooth paste, was run by a former physician who, besides
being generally able, knew some chemistry. For many months, the Matahambre copper mine was in the charge of an American
geologist, a friend of mine. After coming to
Once an economist from
the Ministry of Industry and I visited a large plant near
When you walked
through a Cuban factory, you didn't need to be told that it was under new
management--you could see and feel it everywhere. In the Pheldrake
plant for producing wire and cable, formerly owned by Dutch and American
interests, the whole office of administration was filled by men in
shirt-sleeves who were unmistakably workers; the engineers had gone and the
workers had taken over. On the main floor, a group of them were
struggling--using baling wire techniques--to repair one of the extrusion
machines so that the wire required by the Cuban telephone industry could be
kept coming. In a large tobacco factory, the administrator was black; in the
metal-working plant formerly owned by the American Car and Foundry Company, the
head of a department turning out chicken incubators was black. Black people had
not held such positions before the Revolution.