Supporting the Resistance?
Posted to www.marxmail.org on
Back in 1967 I was being courted by both the Trotskyist SWP
and the Maoist Progressive Labor Party (PLP), groups I had been introduced to
by
My Maoist classmate kept harping on the need for the
anti-war movement to become "anti-imperialist". Since I was newly
radicalizing (but not yet familiar with the Marxist methodology), this argument
had much appeal. What good was it to oppose the specific war in
One Friday night at SWP headquarters, where a public forum
was about to begin, I repeated the PLP objections to my Trotskyist classmate.
He then walked me over to a party member named Dan Styron
who patiently explained to me what was wrong with those arguments. He said that
the antiwar movement was objectively anti-imperialist. By maximizing the number
of people in the streets, we begin to draw in elements of the population who
have the social power to stop the war--like GI's and workers. If the antiwar movement
can help to force the
They come to mind once again after reading Alan Maas's article titled "What Kind of Movement Do We Need? Attempts to Limit Debate Only Weaken Antiwar Organizing" in the ISO newspaper (http://www.socialistworker.org/2005-1/540/540_03_Movement.shtml) and which also appears on www.dissidentvoice.org. Although Alan makes useful points about the need to stand up to attempts to reduce the Iraqi resistance to Baathist thuggery or Islamic fundamentalism, he does not really seem aware of the bigger problems facing the antiwar movement. Fundamentally, the debate about how to characterize the resistance is a diversion from a much more urgent task--namely, how to achieve maximum unity around the demand for immediate withdrawal. Even Alan acknowledges:
"Most antiwar organizations today do agree on an
all-important demand, at least on paper -- immediate withdrawal of
It should also be noted that at the debate between fellow ISO member Anthony Arnove and Tariq Ali on one side and Joanne Landy and Stephen Shalom on the other at the Left Forum conference, all of the debaters supported immediate withdrawal. Instead, the debate was about how to characterize the armed resistance, with the nominally "left" position amounting to open support for it. This, in my opinion, is not really critical for defending those who are fighting for the freedom of their country. What is much more important is building a powerful movement that can appeal to GI's and working people and draw them into action in ever-increasing numbers. In other words, we have the same task we had in the 1960s.
Although I have a lot of respect for the ISO and am happy that they are a growing force on the American left, there is still an element PLP/SDS type ultraleftism that gets in the way of their becoming even more influential. It is also of some concern that a group that has the numbers that can effect the future direction of the antiwar movement lacks the political clarity to make a difference. In an article by Geoff Bailey that appeared in the September–October 2003 International Socialist Review titled "The making of a new left: The rise and fall of SDS," we read:
"The strength of the Stalinist currents in SDS was
increased by the weakness of the Trotskyist tradition. The largest Trotskyist
organization in the
full: http://www.isreview.org/issues/31/sds.shtml
I am afraid that this paragraph is a guide to the poorly thought-out role that the ISO has assigned for itself in the antiwar movement today. I would argue that instead of aspiring to the "the revolutionary left-wing of the antiwar movement," the ISO should be focusing on what steps are necessary to unite everybody who is for immediate withdrawal in effective mass actions. Instead of "left brain" exercises calculated to show how Naomi Klein gets failing grades in an anti-imperialist final exam, the comrades should be assessing the US left and broader formations such as the church, the trade unions, etc. to figure out how to move the struggle forward. Unity, not anti-imperialist litmus tests are what is needed. This takes an entirely different set of skills than are required to "expose" Joanne Landy. In fact, she exposes herself every time she opens her mouth.
Now that I am in the final pages of Barry Sheppard's memoir
(available from Haymarket Books, the ISO publishing arm--I hope they read it),
I am more convinced than ever of the need to build an objectively anti-imperialist movement. This means figuring out how
to tap the raw energy of high school and college students who despise this war
and who are fearful of an impending draft. But it also means figuring out how
to speak to the trade unions that are in the orbit of UFJP, most of whom are
solidly against the war but are susceptible to pressures during election years.
Now that the elections are behind us, it is extremely urgent for the most
far-sighted elements of the mass movement to put forward action proposals that
address the powerful and deep opposition to the war in this country and
internationally. That is the true revolutionary task of our age.