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{19}  I come now to some other proposals of the Congress. We have now a very charming suggestion. These people wish to have the Budget of India submitted to them for sanction:  One more enjoyable thing is that it's these people's wish, 
"Let the budget [bajaT] of Hindustan be presented before us, and let our approval too be obtained.
"Leave aside political expenses; but ask our opinion about the expenses of the army. Why on earth has Government made so big an army? Why have you put Governors in Bombay and Madras? Pack them off at once!"  "Let the political [poliTikal] expenditure not come before us, but consult our opinion about the army. Why have you maintained an army of this size? Why have you appointed Governors for Bombay and Madras? You ought to get rid of them."
I too am of the opinion that their ideas should certainly be carried out. I only ask them to say who, not only of them but of the whole people of India, can tell me about the new kinds of cannon which have been invented which is the mouth and which the butt end.  I too will give an opinion that they should certainly be listened to, but I will ask: not only from among them, but rather from among all of Hindustan, who can tell me-- of the new kind of cannons that have been invented, which end is the butt end and which end is the mouth?
Can anyone tell me the expense of firing a shot? Does anyone understand the condition of the army?  Can anyone tell me how much is the cost of one firing [fair]? Does any person know the state of the "army" [armi, fauj] 
One who has seen the battlefield, the hail-shower of shots, the falling of the brave soldiers one over another, may know what equipments are needed for an army.  He who has seen the battlefield, and seen the raining-down of  the corpses of brave soldiers as in a hailstorm, he knows what equipment we ought to prepare for an army.
If then under these circumstances, a Mahomedan were on this Council, or a Bengali one of that nation which in learning is the crown of all Indian nations, which has raised itself by the might of learning from a low to a high position how could he give any advice?  Then if in this situation some Musalman would be seated in the Council, or [[23]] some member of that community [qaum] with regard to whom I always say that Bengalis by reason of  their education are the crest-jewel of all the communities, and through the power of their learning have from a low position arrived at a high one-- what advice would they give?
How ridiculous then for those who have never seen a battlefield, or even the mouth of a cannon, to want to prepare the Budget for the army! You can well imagine it-- he who has never seen a battlefield, or seen the mouth of a cannon-- he says, "we will prepare the budget for the army"!

{20}  A still more charming proposal is the following. When some people wrote articles in newspapers, showing that it was impossible to establish representative government in India, and bringing forward cogent reasons, Even more amusing than this is one more idea. At the time when some people wrote articles [arTikal] in the newspaper that it is impossible to establish representative government [raprezenTiTiv gavarnmanT] in Hindustan, the reasons for this too were extremely powerful;
then they came down a little from their high flight and said, "Let us sit in the Council, let us chatter; but take votes or not, as you please";  then these people were forced to come down from their high-flyingness, and were forced to say, "Let us sit in the Council, let us babble [chaa'eN chaa'eN karna], even if you don't let us vote." 
can you tell me the meaning of this, or the use of this folly? Can you say what is the meaning of this, and what is the benefit of this foolishness?

{21}  Another very laughable idea is this. Stress is laid on these suggestions: that the Arms Act be repealed, that Indian Volunteers be enlisted, and that army schools be established in India. But do you know what nation is proposing them?  An extremely laughable matter is that emphasis is given to the idea that the law about weapons would be repealed, and there would be Hindustani volunteers [valanTir]; army schools would be established in Hindustan. But do you know which community [qaum] makes this suggestion?
If such proposals had come from Mahomedans or from our Rajput brothers, whose ancestors always wore the sword, which although it is taken from their belts yet still remains in their hearts if they had made such proposals there would have been some sense in it. But what nation makes these demands? If Musalmans and Rajput brothers, whose forefathers wore the sword-- and although it has been loosed from their belt, it has not yet been loosed from their heart-- if they had made such a request, then it was proper. But what community [qaum] is this that makes it?
I agree with them in this, and consider that Government has committed two very great mistakes. One is not to trust the Hindustanis and to allow them to become volunteers.  I myself support, and accept, that there are two great errors of Government. One is not to trust the Hindustanis, and not to give them permission to be volunteers.
A second error of Government of the greatest magnitude is this: that it does not give appointments in the army to those brave people whose ancestors did not use the pen to write with; no, but a different kind of pen (cheers) nor did they use black ink, but the ink they dipped their pens in was red, red ink which flows from the bodies of men. (Cheers. [[24]] A second very large error of Government I consider to be that to those brave people, whose forefathers did not use a writing-pen, but that other pen the color of which was not from black ink-- rather, the ink of their writing was the red, red color that emerged from a man's body-- to them they do not give military appointments. (Cheers.)
O brothers! I have fought Government in the harshest language about these points. The time is, however, coming when my brothers, Pathans, Syeds, Hashimi, and Kereishi, whose blood smells of the blood of Abraham, will appear in glittering uniform as Colonels and Majors in the army.  Oh brothers! I have blamed the Government in such harsh words-- but that time is coming when our brother Pathans, Sadats, Hashimis, and Quraishis, from  whose blood comes the scent of the blood of Abraham, will at that time wear glittering uniforms and become Colonels [karnel] and Majors [mejar] in the army.
But we must wait for that time. Government will most certainly attend to it; provided you do not give rise to suspicions of disloyalty.  But we ought to wait for that time. The Government will certainly attend to this, on condition that you do not permit it to become suspicious.
O brothers! Government, too, is under some difficulties as regards this last charge I have brought against her. Until she can trust us as she can her white soldiers, she cannot do it.  Oh brothers! This last blame that I have laid on the Government-- the Government too is under a kind of duress. Until it can trust us the way it trusts a white man [gaura], it cannot do this.
But we ought to give proof that whatever we were in former days, that time has gone; and that now we are as well-disposed to her as the Highlanders of Scotland.  But we ought to prove that what we previously were-- that time is past and gone. And now we are such supporters of the Government as are the white men of the mountains [pahaRi gaure], who don't even understand how to converse.
And then we should claim this from Government. And at that time we ought to make this claim.

{22}  I will suppose for a moment that you have conquered a part of Europe, and have become its rulers. I ask whether you would equally trust the men of that country. I ask-- suppose for a moment that you conquered some part of Europe, [yurap] and became the rulers of it. I ask, will you trust the people of that area as much?
This was a mere supposition. I come now to a real example. When you conquered India, what did you yourself do? For how many centuries was there no Hindu in the army list?  This was a suppositional case-- when you conquered Hindustan, what did you yourselves do? For how many centuries was there the name of not even one Hindu on the list of soldiers?
But when the time of the Moghal family came and mutual trust was established, the Hindus were given very high appointments. But when the time of the Mughal family came and there was mutual trust between them, [[25]] it was these very Hindus who were appointed to high posts in the army.
Think how many years old is the British rule. How long ago was the Mutiny?  Be just-- how many days has the Government been in power? How many days has it been since the Rebellion [Gadar]?
And tell me how many years ago Government suffered such grievous troubles, though they arose from the ignorant and not from the gentlemen?  And that shock that affected the Government, although it was from the ignorant/vulgar [jahil] and not from the Ra'is-- please tell me how many days ago it took place.
Also call to mind that in the Madras Presidency, Government has given permission to the people to enlist as volunteers. Thus you ought to be patient; and you also ought to notice that the Government of India [gavarnmanT af inDiya] recently ordered that in the Madras Presidency [presiDansi] that there can be Hindustani Volunteers.
I say, too, that this concession was premature; but it is a proof that when trust is established, Government will have no objection to make you also volunteers.  I say that this order too was ahead of its [proper] time. But it is a sign that when there would come to be confidence, then Government has no objection to making you too Volunteers.
And when we shall be qualified, we shall acquire those positions with which our forefathers were honoured.  And when we will learn, then we will receive those posts that were the seals of our forefathers' blood.
Government has advanced one step. She has also shown a desire to admit us to the civil appointments in the Empire. (Cheers.) The Government has taken one step forward. It has wished to make us Hindustanis sharers in the national administration [mulki hukumat]. (Cheers.)

{23}  In the time of Lord Ripon I happened to be a member of the Council. Lord Ripon had a very good heart and kind disposition, and every qualification for a Governor. As it happened, at that time I  too was a member of the Council. Lord Ripon was an extremely kind-hearted and kind-natured and all-round well-qualified Governor.
But unfortunately his hand was weak. His ideas were Radical. But alas-- his hand was weak. His ideas were like those of the Radical [reDikal] people. 
At that time the Local Board and Municipality Bills were brought forward, and the intention of them was that everybody should be appointed by election.  At that time the law for  the Local Board [lokal borD] and Municipal Board [myunisipal borD] was under consideration, and their intention was that all the people would become members by election [ilekshan].
Gentlemen, I am not a Conservative, I am a great Liberal. But to forget the prosperity of one's nation is not a sign of wisdom. Oh gentlemen! I am not a Conservative [kansarveTiv], I am a very strong Liberal [libaral]. But for the sake of these ideas to forget the welfare of the community [qaum], is not the deed of any wise person.
The only person who was opposed to the system of election was myself.  The person who was against this kind of election was I myself.
If I am not bragging too much, I may, I think, say that it was on account of my speech that Lord Ripon changed his opinion and made one-third of the members appointed and two-thirds elected.  If I would not boast, then I can say that through the force of my speech [spich] alone, Lord Ripon's opinion was reversed, and the appointment of one-third of the members remained in the Government's hands, and two-thirds through intikhab, "election" [ilekshan].
Now just consider the result of election. In no town are Hindus and Mahomedans equal. Can the Mahomedans suppress the Hindus and become the masters of our "Self-Government"? Now please reflect on what the election situation is. In no district [zila] are Hindus [[26]] and Musalmans equal. Can you say that the Musalmans will suppress the Hindus, and become the possessors of "self [silf] government"?
In Calcutta an old, bearded Mahomedan of noble family met me and said that a terrible calamity had befallen them. In his town there were eighteen elected members, not one of whom was a Mahomedan; all were Hindus.  Just now in Calcutta a bearded Musalman of very venerable family met me and said this: "A disaster has taken place! In our city eighteen members were to be elected. Not one Musalman was elected; they were all Hindus.
Now he wanted Government to appoint some Mahomedan; and he hoped Government would appoint himself.  "Now I want from the Government, the appointment of some Musalman. I hope that the Government would appoint me."
This is the state of things in all cities. In Aligarh also, were there not a special rule, it would be impossible for any Mahomedan, except my friend Maulvi Mahomed Yusuf, to be elected; and at last he too would have to rely on being appointed by Government.  This is the state of all the cities. In Aligarh too, if a special rule had not been established, then any Musalman-- even our friend Maulvi Khvajah Muhammad Yusuf, who is extremely well-respected-- would only with difficulty be able to gather enough votes to be elected; and in the end they would have to remain hopeful of being appointed by the Government.
Then how can we walk along a road for which neither we nor the country is prepared? Then how can we walk along that road, on which we are neither capable, nor in control?

{24}  I am now tired and have no further strength left. I can say no more.  Now I have no strength, and I've grown tired. I can say nothing more.
But in conclusion, I have one thing to say, lest my friends should say that I have not told them what is of advantage for our nation and for the country; and by what thing we may attain prosperity. But as an ending, I have to say something too, so that my friends would not say that I didn't tell them what is the best thing for the country and the community [qaum], and by what thing they can arrive at prosperity.
My age is above seventy. Although I cannot live to see my nation attain to such a position as my heart longs for for it, yet my friends who are present in this meeting will certainly see the nation attain such honour, prosperity and high rank, if they attend to my advice.  My age has now passed seventy years. And although in my lifetime I would not be able to see my community [qaum] at the level where my heart wants to see it, still my friends who are present in this gathering will certainly see their community attain honor, well-being, and high rank, if they will accept what I have told them.
But my friends, do not liken me to that dyer who, only possessing mango-coloured dye, said mango-coloured dye was the only one he liked.  Friends! Don't say that I'm like that dyer who because he only knew how to dye things mango-colored, said that only mango color pleased him.
I assure you that the only thing which can raise you to a high rank is high education But I say truthfully that the thing that will raise you to a high level, is only "high education" [ha'i ejukeshan, a'la darje ki ta'lim].
Until our nation can give birth to a highly-educated people, it will remain degraded; it will be below others, and will not attain such honour as I desire for it.  [[27]] As long as in our community [qaum] such people will not be produced, we will remain low [zalil], we will remain below others, and we will not attain such honor as our heart wishes to attain.
These precepts I have given you from the bottom of my heart. I do not care if any one calls me a madman or anything else.  These few pieces of advice that I have given you with a burning heart-- I don't care whether anyone might call me a madman, or anything else.
It was my duty to tell those things which, in my opinion, are necessary for the welfare of my nation, and to cleanse my hands before God the Omnipotent, the Merciful, and the Forgiver of sins. It was my duty to tell you those things that are, in my view, for the welfare of the community [qaum], and to fulfill this duty toward you. And before the Lord who is All-powerful and Merciful and the Forgiver of sins, to wash my hands [by discharging this duty].

NOTE in the Urdu edition: "Sir Sayyid gave this lecture orally; there were no notes or memoranda in Sir Sayyid's hands concerning the lecture. Thus he went on speaking with extreme fluency. So that this valuable, important, and historical lecture [[28]] would have been lost, if Munshi 'Aziz ud-Din Ahmad, Tahsildar of Mirzapur, with extreme swiftness and dexterity had not written along with him as he was speaking. Munshi Sahib took great care, and having written out the lecture clearly he also showed it to Sir Sayyid."

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