We investigate how support for President Donald Trump, beyond partisanship, guided Americans’ attitudes toward COVID-19. This speaks to not just how “Trumpism” and the Trump administration’s handling of the pandemic influenced public attitudes but to the larger issue of how Trump’s hold on voters within and beyond the Republican Party provides further evidence that leaders surpass the role of parties in influencing public opinion. Using longitudinal data with individual fixed-effects, we find that from the start of the pandemic, support for Trump above and beyond partisanship drove public attitudes capturing skepticism toward COVID-19, fears of personal vulnerability, compliance with public-safety measures, and viewing the pandemic in racist terms. Between March and August 2020, this gulf in attitudes between Trump voters and non-supporters, and between Republicans and Democrats, widened; the widening was more pronounced between Trump voters and non-supporters. Trump’s influence on Independents and non-voters also grew over the same period. While the use of terms like “China virus” was related to partisanship and support for Trump, we find an increase in awareness across groups that these terms were racist.

The present study uses data from a 2020 survey conducted in Shaanxi Province during the COVID-19 outbreak to examine the family resources and psychological well-being of four major groups of Chinese children (urban, migrant, rural nonmigrant, and rural left-behind children). The results highlight the complex ways in which family resources intersect with the pandemic to affect these different groups of children. Family economic resources have generally declined across all groups, but left-behind children have suffered the most severe economic shock. However, parent–child relationships for all children have improved across the board during the pandemic. Diminished economic resources act as a risk factor, while improved family relationships play a protective role in children’s psychological well-being. Parent–child relationships have had a more pronounced positive impact on psychological outcomes for migrant and left-behind children, who are the most deprived of parental input under normal circumstances, than for other groups of children. Because of these processes, migrant children and left-behind children fare similarly to urban children in terms of their resilience to the COVID-19 crisis. Among children enjoying especially favorable parent–child relationships, migrant children and left-behind children even appear to have higher psychological well-being than urban children during the pandemic. In comparison to this social impact, the impact of family economic resources is more moderate in magnitude and does not vary systematically across different groups of children. As a result, the positive impact of improved parent–child relationships largely outweighs the adverse effect of reduced family economic resources. Overall, the findings provide new insight into the relationship among disasters, family resources, and child well-being in the context of the COVID-19 crisis in China.

This paper adopts a life course perspective that captures the migration trajectory for rural-to-urban migrants in China during the observation window. By taking this trajectory approach, we aim to advance the understanding of divergent rural-to-urban migration patterns in China and their determinants and consequences. We use data from the Survey of Internal Migration and Health in China (IMHC) and focus on individuals' migration experience between age 14 and 40. First, we apply sequence analysis to characterise the main rural-to-urban migration patterns by different timing, duration, frequency, and direction and identify seven common patterns. We next examine the determinants of these patterns. The results suggest that demographic characteristics, socio-economic background, and hometown characteristics shape migration trajectories in complex ways, highlighting that social origin can substantially determine migration patterns of rural Chinese. Furthermore, we examine via a counterfactual framework how the seven migration patterns shape migrants' occupational attainment while taking account of self-selection into different migration trajectories. The findings show that (i) there is self-selection into migration trajectories that has implications for occupational status and (ii) non-transient adult urban migration is associated with higher occupational attainment whereas other types of migration are not.

Mounting reports in the media suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified prejudice and discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities, especially Asians. Existing research has focused on discrimination against Asians and is primarily based on self-reported incidents or nonrepresentative samples. We investigate the extent to which COVID-19 has fueled prejudice and discrimination against multiple racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States by examining nationally representative survey data with an embedded vignette experiment about roommate selection (collected in August 2020; n = 5,000). We find that priming COVID-19 salience has an immediate, statistically significant impact: compared to the control group, respondents in the treatment group exhibited increased prejudice and discriminatory intent against East Asian, South Asian, and Hispanic hypothetical room-seekers. The treatment effect is more pronounced in increasing extreme negative attitudes toward the three minority groups than decreasing extreme positive attitudes toward them. This is partly due to the treatment increasing the proportion of respondents who perceive these minority groups as extremely culturally incompatible (Asians and Hispanics) and extremely irresponsible (Asians). Sociopolitical factors did not moderate the treatment effects on attitudes toward Asians, but prior social contact with Hispanics mitigated prejudices against them. These findings suggest that COVID-19–fueled prejudice and discrimination have not been limited to East Asians but are part of a broader phenomenon that has affected Asians generally and Hispanics as well.

Does emigration deepen or depress democratic transitions in migrant-sending countries? This study examines the multifaceted and countervailing influences of migration on democratic outcomes in sending societies, as operationalized by electoral participation and competition. Drawing on longitudinal data compiled from several Mexican sources, we find that international migration, but not domestic migration, increases voter turnout and electoral competition in sending communities in Mexico. This pattern holds for low-to-moderate levels of emigration but is reversed for high levels of migration. The positive political impact of migration is limited to current emigration from communities of origin rather than return migration. Both documented and undocumented migration influence electoral outcomes, but the political impact of undocumented migration is more pronounced. These comparisons of different types of migration and different functional forms allow us to explore the mechanisms through which migration affects electoral outcomes. The results are consistent with several proposed mechanisms: migration-driven democratic diffusion, weakened clientelism, and disengagement. Overall, the findings demonstrate the value of integrating demographic processes into explanations of political change.

Despite remarkable educational gains of minorities, ethnoracial wage inequality persists and has even expanded among highly educated workers. Conventional explanations for this inequality are primarily derived from comparing workers across different educational levels and are less salient for understanding inequalities within the highly educated workforce. This study examines a previously overlooked source of ethnoracial inequality among highly educated workers: vertical mismatch between workers’ educational level and the education requirements for their occupation. Using a longitudinal sample of college graduates from the Survey of Income and Program Participation, we find that vertical mismatch accounts for a large part of racial/ethnic and nativity wage inequality. Specifically, highly educated minorities (especially blacks and Hispanics) and immigrants (especially those holding a foreign degree) are disproportionately channeled into mismatched jobs and subsequently consigned to such positions. Also, highly educated Hispanics and Asians, as well as foreign-educated immigrants, face greater wage penalties of vertical mismatch. The findings offer new insights into a key source of ethnoracial and nativity stratification.

This study conceptualizes parental migration as a dynamic family process that exposes children to parental absence and family instability. Using detailed migration histories, this study identifies the left-behind trajectories of rural Chinese children throughout childhood (age 1–12) and examines the impact on psychological well-being (N = 3,961). Results indicate heterogeneity in children’s experience of parental migration, which is characterized by both persistence (prolonged parental absence) and instability (repeated parental migration). A quarter of rural children experienced prolonged parental migration, and for half of these, by both parents. Another 50% of rural children experienced repeated parental migration. Children continuously left behind by both parents and children who experienced substantial family instability both fared worse in psychological development than those in stable two-parent families.

Deepening democratization in Brazil has coincided with sustained flows of domestic migration, which raises an important question of whether migration deepens or depresses democratic development in migrant-sending regions. Whereas earlier perspectives have viewed migration as a political “brain drain,” we contend that out-migration can generate resources that promote democratic processes back home. We investigate the role of migration in two aspects of democratization: electoral participation and competition. The analyses are based on spatial panel data models of mayoral election results across all municipalities between 1996 and 2012. The results show that migration increases electoral participation and competition in migrant-sending localities in Brazil. This study also identifies the sociopolitical context that conditions the impact of migration: the effect is most often present in the context of rural-urban migration and is more pronounced in sending localities with less democratic political structures. Moreover, using spatial network models, we find evidence for the transmission of political remittances from migration destination municipalities to origin municipalities. The present study extends the research on the migration-development nexus to the political arena, thus demonstrating the value of integrating demographic processes into explanations of political change.

Although disasters such as pandemics are events that are random in nature, individuals’ vulnerability to natural disasters is inequitable and is shaped by their socioeconomic status (SES). This study examines health inequality by SES amid the COVID-19 pandemic and its underlying mechanisms in Wuhan, China’s epicenter. Using survey data collected in the city during the lockdown period from February 20 to March 6, 2020, we identify two ways in which SES shapes health inequalities—vulnerability and resilience to COVID-19. First, higher SES is associated with a lower risk of infection for both survey respondents and their family members. Second, higher SES reduces mental distress during the pandemic, and this protective effect is particularly strong for individuals who contract the virus or who have family members infected with the disease. Mediation analysis further illustrates that SES shapes the risk of infection and mental distress primarily through three channels: access to daily essential and protective supplies, employment status, and the community environment. These findings lend support to the fundamental cause theory that links socioeconomic differentials to health inequality in a unique context. The outbreak of COVID-19 magnifies pre-existing socioeconomic inequalities.

This study asks whether recent immigrants and Canadian‐born youth have become increasingly overeducated for their jobs because of changes in the supply of university‐educated workers and demand for their human capital. Based on analyses of four Canadian censuses, the study found that over the 2001–2016 period, only about one‐half of the growth in the supply of university‐educated workers was matched with growth in jobs that required a university degree. Recent immigrants bore most of the brunt of this structural imbalance, becoming more concentrated in low‐ and medium‐skill jobs. In comparison, the prevalence of education‐occupation match of young Canadian‐born workers increased over this period. Consequently, the gap in overeducation between these population groups has widened. To address this gap, immigration policy should use a tandem process that selects immigrants based on human capital and demand‐driven criteria.

Why do high-skilled Canadian immigrants lag behind their US counterparts in labor-market outcomes, despite Canada’s merit-based immigration selection system and more integrative context? This article investigates a mismatch between immigrants’ education and occupations, operationalized by overeducation, as an explanation. Using comparable data and three measures of overeducation, we find that university-educated immigrant workers in Canada are consistently much more likely to be overeducated than their US peers and that the immigrant–native gap in the overeducation rate is remarkably higher in Canada than in the United States. This article further examines how the cross-national differences are related to labor-market structures and selection mechanisms for immigrants. Whereas labor-market demand reduces the likelihood of immigrant overeducation in both countries, the role of supply-side factors varies: a higher supply of university-educated immigrants is positively associated with the likelihood of overeducation in Canada, but not in the United States, pointing to an oversupply of high-skilled immigrants relative to Canada’s smaller economy. Also, in Canada the overeducation rate is significantly lower for immigrants who came through employer selection (i.e., those who worked in Canada before obtaining permanent residence) than for those admitted directly from abroad through the point system. Overall, the findings suggest that a merit-based immigration system likely works better when it takes into consideration domestic labor-market demand and the role of employer selection.

Although many immigrant children to the United States arrive with their parents, a notable proportion are first separated and later reunited with their parents. How do the experiences of separation and reunification shape the well‐being of immigrant children? Data were from a national survey of legal adult immigrants and their families, the New Immigrant Survey from 2003 to 2004 (for academic achievement, age 6–12, N = 876; for psychosocial well‐being, age 6–17, N = 1,084). Results indicated that immigrant children who were once separated from their parents exhibited poorer literacy and higher risk of emotional and behavioral problems than those who migrated with parents. A protracted period of separation and previous undocumented status of parents amplified the disadvantages experienced by these children.

Recent research has revealed an epidemiologic paradox within immigrants: undocumented immigrants often exhibit similar or even better health outcomes than documented immigrants despite their socio‐economic disadvantages. The present study examines whether this paradox partly reflects heterogeneity in immigrant health selection by documentation status and gender. We examine the case of Mexico–US immigration using data from the Mexican Migration Project, which provides premigration health and detailed migration histories. Results demonstrate notable diversity in immigrant health selection. Undocumented Mexican immigrant men are especially positively selected on health. Better premigration health also increases recurrent undocumented migration trips. Documented Mexican immigrant men, in contrast, do not exhibit a significant level of positive health selection. For Mexican women, both documented and undocumented migrants are positively selected on the basis of health, and the degree of health selection is irrespective of their documentation status. These findings suggest that immigrant health selection can operate differently depending on the risks and maturity of migration. Taking into account both documentation status and gender is essential for a more accurate understanding of immigrant health selection and has important implications for investigating the impact of undocumented status on immigrant health.

Internal migration has resulted in a large number of left-behind children in China. Despite growing attention to this population, important gaps remain in our understanding of their cognitive development and the factors that mediate the impact of migration on children. The present study draws on a new nationally representative survey of Chinese children to study the psychological and cognitive development of left-behind children. Results show that rural children left behind by both parents (but not by one parent) are worse off in both psychological well-being and cognitive development than rural children living with both parents. The disadvantage of left-behind children is mediated by their caregivers’ emotional well-being, parenting practices, and education. We also find a pronounced rural-urban difference in children’s cognitive development.

This article integrates literature on social movements and migration to examine how migration shapes both the cognitive and social foundations of collective action in origin communities. Using longitudinal data and in-depth interviews from rural China, the author finds that outward migration spurs collective resistance in origin communities and shapes the form and scale of collective action. Migration fosters noninstitutionalized rather than institutionalized collective action, because it induces relational diffusion that empowers peasants to mobilize and employ more effective resistance strategies. This holds more for small- and medium-size collective action than for large-scale mobilizations, mainly because out-migration can also trigger community disintegration that inhibits larger-scale action. Furthermore, local social institutions condition the role of migration: migration has a stronger positive impact in close-knit villages embedded in strong lineage networks than in less cohesive villages. The author contextualizes the findings against the distinct institutional arrangements in China, which were originally engineered to disenfranchise rural-origin people but which instead have inadvertently politicized migrants and peasants alike.

Internal migration in China has resulted in large numbers of left-behind children. Despite growing attention paid to this population, existing research has not systematically addressed the mediating mechanisms linking parental migration to children's health. The present study examines the influences of migration on the health of left-behind children in China and the mediating channels, using data from a new nationally representative survey. We compare three groups of rural children aged 3–15 years (N = 2473): those who were left behind by both parents, those who were left behind by one parent and those living with both non-migrant parents. Results show that the health of rural children left behind by both parents (but not by one parent) is worse than the health of children living with both parents. The health disadvantage of these children is mediated by their caregivers' poor health status and caregiving practices. These mediating factors not only have a direct impact on child health but also exert an indirect impact by shaping children's nutritional intakes. Contrary to conventional wisdom, monetary remittances are not a significant mechanism linking migration to child health.

Migration has affected a large number of children in many settings. Despite growing attention to these children, important gaps remain in our understanding of their psychosocial development, as well as the factors that mediate and moderate the impact of migration on children. The present study examines the influences of migration on children's psychosocial well-being in China using a new nationally representative survey. We compared different groups of children age 3–15, including migrant children, left-behind children, and rural and urban children in nonmigrant families. Results show that rural children left behind by both parents were significantly worse off in psychological and behavioral well-being than rural nonmigrant children. By contrast, rural children left behind by one parent and migrant children were no worse off. The disadvantage of left-behind children was mediated by their caregivers' emotional well-being and parenting practices. Frequent contact with migrant parents, but not receipt of remittances, helped ameliorate the vulnerability of left-behind children. These results add to our understanding of how migration affects child development in general.

In the past one and a half decades, Chinese cities have witnessed an influx of college-educated rural migrants. Until now, there has been little systematic research on the working and living conditions of this growing population. The objective of this paper is to empirically examine similarities and differences in living conditions between college-educated rural migrants, non-college-educated rural migrants, and local urban workers. The data are from the 2010 National Health and Family Planning Commission Survey of China’s migrant population. Our study has produced several findings. First, the monthly income of college-educated rural migrants is significantly higher than that of non-college-educated rural migrants and is similar to that of college-educated local urban workers. However, less-educated rural migrants earn more than local urban workers with similar levels of education. Second, while college-educated rural migrants work fewer hours than non-college-educated rural migrants, they work longer hours than their local urban counterparts. Third, local urban workers receive greater social benefits than college-educated rural migrants, whose benefits are better than those of non-college-educated rural migrants. Overall, while college-educated rural migrants enjoy more favourable working and living conditions than non-college-educated rural migrants, they remain disadvantaged when compared to urban workers with a similar level of education. These findings highlight the insurmountable institutionalised exclusion and discrimination that imposes significant barriers on rural-origin people to reap the benefits of higher education.

Existing evidence on immigrant health assimilation, which is largely based on cross-sectional data, suggests that immigrants' initial health advantage erodes over time. This study uses longitudinal data to directly compare the self-rated health trajectories of immigrants and the native-born population. Data come from four panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (1996, 2001, 2004, and 2008), with each panel containing 2–4 years of health information. Results show that immigrants’ self-rated health remained stable during the period under study, but there was a concomitant decline in health for the native-born population. This result pointed to a persistent health advantage of immigrants during the period under study. The pattern held for immigrants of different length of residence and was especially salient for those originally from Latin America and Asia. Our findings that immigrants maintain their health advantage do not support the pattern of unhealthy assimilation commonly reported in cross-sectional studies.

Canada and the U.S. are two major immigrant-receiving countries characterized by different immigration policies and health care systems. The present study examines whether immigrant health selection, or the "healthy immigrant effect", differs by destination and what factors may account for differences in immigrant health selection. We use 12 years of U.S. National Health Interview Survey and Canadian Community Health Survey data to compare the risks of overweight/obesity and chronic health conditions among new immigrants in the two countries. Results suggest a more positive health selection of immigrants to Canada than the U.S. Specifically, newly arrived U.S. immigrants are more likely to be overweight or obese and have serious chronic health conditions than their Canadian counterparts. The difference in overweight/obesity was explained by differences in source regions and educational levels of immigrants across the two countries. But this is not the case for serious chronic conditions. These results suggest that immigration-related policies can potentially shape immigrant health selection.

Existing research highlights a lack of organizational basis for collective action in nondemocratic regimes. This study reevaluates this view by examining the distinct roles played by different organizations (embedded in distinct state-society relations) in different stages of collective action (occurrence and success) in rural China. With both quantitative and qualitative data, the authors study two types of organizations: (1) informal lineage groups and (2) semiautonomous civic associations, exemplified by seniors associations. The results demonstrate that lineage groups serve as mobilizing structures for collective resistance but face limited success given their informal status and weak vertical linkages with the state. By contrast, seniors associations, which maintain close relations with authorities while conserving a high degree of autonomy, act as a genuine intermediaries between the government and aggrieved citizens to suppress collective resistance. When collective action emerges, the associations can build on their legitimacy and vertical linkages to facilitate its success.

Despite a large literature documenting the impact of childbearing on women’s wages, less understanding exists of the actual employment trajectories that mothers take and the circumstances surrounding different paths. We use sequence analysis to chart the entire employment trajectory for a diverse sample of U.S. women by race/ethnicity and nativity in the first year following childbirth. Using data from the 1996–2008 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation and sample selection models, we find that women employed before childbirth show a high degree of labor market continuity. However, a notable share of them (24 %) took less stable paths by dropping out or scaling back work. In addition, mothers’ attachment to the labor force is simultaneously supported by personal endowments and family resources yet constrained by economic hardship and job characteristics. Moreover, mothers’ employment patterns differ by race/ethnicity and nativity. Nonwhite women (blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) who were employed before childbirth exhibited greater labor market continuation than white women. For immigrant women, those with a shorter length of residence were more likely to curtail employment than native-born women, but those with longer duration of residence show greater labor force attachment. We discuss the implications of these findings for income inequality and public policy.

This study draws on a case study of Wukan and interviews with migrants and peasants in other sites to examine how migration shapes popular resistance in migrant-sending communities (i.e. rural China). Findings demonstrate multidimensional roles played by migrants and returned migrants who act as a vehicle of informational and ideological transmission and at times directly participate in or even lead rural resistance in origin communities. Both the transmission and participation processes foster political consciousness and action orientations among peasants. The importance of migrants is exemplified in the Wukan protests but is also found in other settings under study. In general, migrants represent a latent political force that acts upon serious grievances back home. The findings provide a useful lens for understanding the diffusion of popular resistance and the linkage between urban and rural activism in China.

We study the short-term trajectories of employment, hours worked, and real wages of immigrants in Canada and the U.S. using nationally representative longitudinal datasets covering 1996-2008. Models with person fixed effects show that on average immigrant men in Canada do not experience any relative growth in these three outcomes compared to men born in Canada. Immigrant men in the U.S., on the other hand, experience positive annual growth in all three domains relative to U.S. born men. This difference is largely on account of low-educated immigrant men, who experience faster or longer periods of relative growth in employment and wages in the U.S. than in Canada. We further compare longitudinal and cross-sectional trajectories and find that the latter over-estimate wage growth of earlier arrivals, presumably reflecting selective return migration.

How does female out-migration reconfigure gender values surrounding son preference in origin communities? We propose that the feminization of migration has the potential to infuse origin communities with economic and ideational changes that may challenge son preference. Rural China provides an interesting setting, both because its unprecedented labor out-migration has increasingly included women and because of its persistent son preference. Using data from rural China and instrumental variable regressions to adjust for potential endogeneity bias, this study shows that out-migration of women, but not of men, attenuates son preference among those in origin communities. The role of female out-migration transcends families with direct ties to migration and extends to the entire village. However, cultural context and family positions within that context condition the role of female migration: specifically, the preferences of individuals in families and villages embedded in strong patrilineal cultural practices are less likely to be shaped by female out-migration.

Parental out-migration has become a common experience of childhood worldwide and tends to have important ramifications for child development. There has been much debate on whether overall children benefit or suffer from parental out-migration. The present study examines how the relationship between parental out-migration and children's growth differs by the type of migration (internal vs. international). This comparison is conducted in two diverse settings, Mexico and Indonesia. Data are from two national longitudinal surveys: the Mexican Family Life Survey and the Indonesian Family Life Survey. Results from fixed-effect regressions show that international migration tends to have a less beneficial, sometimes even more detrimental, impact on the growth of children left behind than internal migration. Results also reveal contextual differences in the role of parental out-migration. Possible explanations are discussed.

Using large-scale census data and adjusting for sending-country fixed effect to account for changing composition of immigrants, we study relative immigrant selection to Canada and the U.S. during 1990-2006, a period characterized by diverging immigration policies in the two countries. Results show a gradual change in selection patterns in educational attainment and host-country language proficiency in favor of Canada as its post-1990 immigration policy allocated more points to the human capital of new entrants. Specifically, in 1990, new immigrants in Canada were less likely to have a B.A. degree than those in the U.S.; they were also less likely to have a highschool or lower education. By 2006, Canada surpassed the U.S. in drawing highly educated immigrants, while continuing to attract fewer low-educated immigrants. Canada also improved its edge over the U.S. in terms of host-country language proficiency of new immigrants. Entry-level earnings, however, do not reflect the same trend: Recent immigrants to Canada have experienced a wage disadvantage compared to recent immigrants to the U.S., as well as Canadian natives. One plausible explanation is that while the Canadian points system has successfully attracted more educated immigrants, it may not be effective in capturing productivity-related traits that are not easily measurable.

The out-migration of parents has become a common childhood experience worldwide. It can confer both economic benefits and social costs on children. Despite a growing literature, the circumstances under which children benefit or suffer from parental out-migration are not well understood. The present study examined how the relationship between parental out-migration and children's education varies across migration streams (internal vs. international) and across 2 societies. Data are from the Mexican Family Life Survey (N=5,719) and the Indonesian Family Life Survey (N=2,938). The results showed that children left behind by international migrant parents are worse off in educational attainment than those living with both parents. Internal migration of parents plays a negative role in some cases, though often to a lesser degree than international migration. In addition, how the overall relationship between parental migration and education balances out varies by context: It is negative in Mexico but generally small in Indonesia.

The existing literature has often underscored the "healthy migrant" effect and the "salmon bias" in understanding the health of migrants. Nevertheless, direct evidence for these two hypotheses, particularly the "salmon bias" is limited. Using data from a national longitudinal survey conducted between 2003 and 2007 in China, we provide tests of these hypotheses in the case of internal migration in China. To examine the healthy migrant effect, we study how pre-migration self-reported health is associated with an individual's decision to migrate and the distance of migration. To test the salmon bias hypothesis, we compare the self-reported health of migrants who stay in destinations and who return or move closer to home villages. The results provide support for both hypotheses. Specifically, healthier individuals are more likely to migrate and to move further away from home. Among migrants, those with poorer health are more likely to return or to move closer to their origin communities.

Comparative research on international migration has increasingly focused on immigrant integration rather than the process of emigration. By investigating the different streams of Chinese migration to the United States and Europe, as well as the different stages of Chinese migration to the United States, this study examines the way in which both receiving and sending contexts combine to shape the process of emigration. Using data from a 2002-2003 survey of emigration from China's Fujian Province, we demonstrate that under restrictive exit and entry policies and high barriers to migration (i.e., clandestine migration from Fuzhou to the United States), resources such as migrant social capital, political capital (cadre resources), and human capital all play a crucial role in the emigration process. However, the roles of these resources in the migration process are limited when migration barriers are sufficiently low and when local governments adopt proactive policies promoting emigration (i.e., legal migration from Mingxi to Europe). Comparisons over time suggest that the importance of migrant social capital, political capital, and human capital has strongly persisted for Fuzhou-US emigration, as a result of tightening exit and entry policies. Despite these marked differences between Fuzhou and Mingxi emigration, the results also point to two general processes that are highly consistent across settings and over time the cumulative causation of migration and the advantage conferred by traditional positional power (cadre status).

Based on data from a 2005 survey conducted in Shanghai, China, this research examines the role of social capital in income inequality between rural migrants and urbanites. We find strong income return on social capital, in particular on social capital from strong ties. We also observe a great disparity in social capital possession between rural migrants and urban local residents. Although social capital from strong ties seems to be more important for rural migrants than for urbanites, local ties and high-status ties do not seem to benefit rural migrants. Hence, migrants not only suffer severe social capital deficits but also capital return deficits. Given the strong income returns on social capital and the substantial differences in access to and return on social capital between migrants and urban residents, social capital is consequently found to explain a large part of the income inequality between the two groups. Overall, our findings reveal macro-structural effects on the role of social capital in labor market stratification. In China, the lack of formal labor market mechanisms continues to create both a strong need for and opportunities for economic actions to be organized around informal channels via social relations. Yet, the long-standing institutional exclusion of migrants caused by the household registration system has resulted in pervasive social exclusion and discrimination which have substantially limited rural migrants' accumulation and mobilization of social capital. Under these conditions, social capital reinforces the economic inequality between migrants and urban residents in China. Such empirical evidence adds to our understanding of the role of social capital in the economic integration of migrants and in shaping intergroup inequality in general.

Internal migration in China during the last three decades, the largest in human history, offers a rare opportunity to understand inequalities in the making. Using data spanning 10 years from China's largest metropolis, Shanghai, this study assesses how enduring state institutions interplay with the spread of market forces to shape income inequality between migrants and native urban workers. Though the wages of both Chinese migrants and urban workers rose considerably, economic restructuring during the decade under study resulted in diminished privileges for urbanites and subsequently increased collision between migrants and urban workers in the private sectors. These shifts, rather than substantially reducing inequality, have led to an evolving form of inequality, from an initial general blatant discrimination against migrants across the board, to a new and more subtle form of inequality characterized by substantial segmented discrimination against migrants within economic sectors, with the degree of inequality varying from sector to sector. We discuss how this changing inequality reflects complementary rather than competing roles of the state and market institutions in inequality creation and maintenance.

China's rural-urban migration presents a significant educational challenge. This study uses theories of segmented assimilation and school segregation to measure the assimilation and well-being of migrant children who attend either Beijing's public schools or its informal migrant schools. Controling for other factors, we find poorer achievement and greater loneliness among migrant children who are isolated in migrant schools than similar migrant students enrolled in regular urban public schools. We show there is little difference in learning outcome or loneliness between urban native children and migrant children who attend public schools. We further discuss similarities and differences between the experiences of migrant children in China and immigrant children in the United States.

The growing flow of migrants' remittances has generated much interest in understanding the socio-economic consequences of household migration for individuals and families in migrant-sending areas. In this paper, I examine the effect of household migration on health status, as measured by nutritional status, of adults who have remained behind in rural Indonesia, a setting with a high rate of out-migration and poor nutritional profiles. Assuming that remittances may improve household economic resources and thus change dietary intake and health-related investment, household migration may be associated with the risks of both undernutrition and overnutrition. The analyses use longitudinal data from the Indonesian Family Life Survey and fixed-effect regressions. The results show that adults in emigrant households were significantly less susceptible to being underweight than those in non-migrant households, but that they did not have an increased risk of being overweight. The improved nutritional status was restricted to people in households with labour migrants, highlighting the role of remittances in improving nutritional intake. The health gain was also concentrated among women, increased with the number of out-migrants and was revealed over time as remittances arrived. Overall, this study demonstrates the beneficial role of household migration, and especially the resulting remittances, in the health status of household members in resource-constrained settings. Improving transfers of remittances would be helpful in reducing the problem of undernutrition in poor migrant-sending areas.

As population scientists have expanded the range of topics they study, increasingly considering the interrelationship between population phenomena and social, economic, and health conditions, they have expanded the kinds of data collected and have brought to bear new data collection techniques and procedures, often borrowed from other fields. These new approaches to demographic data collection are the concern of this article. We consider three main topics: new developments in sampling procedures, new developments in fieldwork procedures, and new developments in the kind of information collected in demographic and social surveys. We conclude with some comments on data sharing in the social research community and a list of major Chinese surveys publicly available to researchers. Where possible we illustrate our points with Chinese examples.

Despite China's substantial internal migration, long-standing rural-urban bifurcation has prompted many migrants to leave their children behind in rural areas. This study examined the consequences of out-migration for children's education using longitudinal data from the China Health and Nutrition Survey (N = 885). This study took into account the complex family migration strategies and distinguished various types of migration in China, including different forms of parental migration as well as sibling migration. The results showed that migration of siblings generates benefits for children's education, which is particularly pronounced for girls and children at middle-school levels. But parental migration has not given children left behind a significant advantage in educational prospects as their parents had hoped. Younger children seem to be especially susceptible to the disruptive effect of parental out-migration.

Objectives
China has experienced large-scale internal migration and growing mental health disorders. Limited research has examined the relationship between the two processes. We examined the association between labor out-migration and depressive symptoms of family members left behind in migrant-sending areas.

Methods
We conducted a multistage probability sample survey of Chinese adults in 2008 ("Internal Migration and Health in China"), including 787 people in rural migrant-sending areas. To study whether adults in out-migrants households were more likely to experience depressive symptoms (CES-D) than were adults in non-migrant households, we used multivariate regressions and adjusted for a wide range of confounding factors and for the complex sampling design.

Results
Adults in households with labor out-migrants were more likely to report depressive symptoms than those in households without out-migrants, presumably a result of the absence of family members. However, monetary remittances from labor migrants buffered the mental health costs of out-migration.

Conclusions
Labor out-migration has important consequences for the mental health in migrant-sending communities. There is an urgent need to address the psychological costs of migration and to promote regular remittances.

An extensive literature demonstrates various negative health consequences of family disruption in Western societies, which is largely due to marital dissolution. In developing settings, family disruption commonly arises in the context of labor out-migration. However, studies on household emigration often focus on the economic benefits from remittances, overlooking emigration as a source of stress and loss of social support. This research examines the psychosocial consequences of internal out-migration using longitudinal survey data collected in Indonesia between 1993 and 2007. Results demonstrate considerable psychosocial costs of out-migration, with adults left behind by migrants more susceptible to stress-related health impairments such as hypertension and to psychological distress such as depressive symptoms. These findings largely hold when specific relations are investigated, including spouses left behind and parents left behind by adult children. This study also finds some support for the stress-buffering role of social support from extended families and the differential psychosocial processes for men and women.

This article extends previous work on family structure and children's education by conceptualizing migration as a distinct form of family disruption that reduces parental input but brings substantial economic benefits through remittances. It examines the multiple and countervailing effects of migration on schooling in the context of substantial migration and limited educational opportunities for blacks in South Africa. The receipt of remittances substantially increases black children's school attendance, but has no such effect for whites. The effect for blacks is in part attributable to improved household economic conditions that increase household educational spending and reduce the demand for child labor. We also find a negative effect of parental absence due to migration, but it is largely cushioned by inflows of remittances. Sensitivity analyses using propensity score methods and contextual fixed-effect modeling suggest that the beneficial effect of remittances is relatively robust. We find further that remittances help ameliorate inter-familial socioeconomic inequality in schooling. Finally, we evaluate possible temporal changes and show that the positive and equalizing effects of remittances persisted during and after the apartheid regime. We conclude that labor migration and remittances, as institutionalized family strategies adopted by many blacks, help reconfigure structural opportunities in the educational stratification process in South Africa.

Using longitudinal data from Indonesia and drawing on the literature on the stress process, social support, and migration assimilation, this paper examines the consequences of rural-to-urban labor migration for mental health (as measured by depressive symptoms) and risk behaviors (as measured by smoking). The study also addresses two analytic difficulties facing previous studies-the choice of appropriate comparison group and potential migration selection. Results demonstrate considerable mental health and behavioral costs of migration, which manifest differently for women and men: female migrants tend to internalize the stress experienced in migration and display depressive symptoms, whereas male migrants tend to externalize various stressors by increasing the level of smoking but not initiation of smoking. Nevertheless, factors including family-level social support and a high degree of migrants' incorporation serve to mitigate the negative impacts of migration.

Previous studies on the impact of migration on health often face the difficulties of choosing the proper comparison group and addressing potential selection of migration. Using longitudinal data for 1997 and 2000 from Indonesia, this paper examines the effect of rural-urban migration on physical and psychological health, by (1) comparing the health of migrants with that of the appropriate group of comparison, people who remained in rural origins, and (2) studying health both prior to and after migration to adjust for possible selection bias. The research further explores various socioeconomic, psychosocial, and behavioral pathways mediating the migration effect. Results show that rural-urban labor migration increased the risk of psychological disorder as measured by depressive symptoms. This was largely a result of reduced social support due to family disruption, because the deleterious effect was particularly strong for migrants who moved alone and was negligible for migrants moving with family members. In contrast, migration had little impact on physical health in the medium term. This was largely attributed to the multiple offsetting influences of migration: migration improved economic status and living standards but led to increased work-related stressors and barriers to health utilization. In addition, despite earning higher income, migrants tend to underconsume and remit a large amount of earnings to original families, which hindered potential health gains from improved economic well-being.

Objectives.
We examined the relationship between students' tobacco use and the density and proximity of tobacco retailers near their schools.

Methods.
We used data from the 2003-2004 California Student Tobacco Survey and California retail licensing data. Measures included students' self-reported tobacco use and geocoded state-reported locations of tobacco retailers. We used random-intercept generalized linear mixed modeling to jointly evaluate individual-level and school-level predictors.

Results.
Density of retailers was associated with experimental smoking (odds ratio [OR] = 1.11; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.02, 1.21) but not established smoking (OR = 1.06; 95% CI = 0.94, 1.20). The effects on experimental smoking were confined to high school students (OR = 1.17; 95% CI = 1.06, 1.29) in urban areas (OR = 1.11; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.21); no effects were observed among middle school students or in rural schools. High school students were more likely to obtain cigarettes from a retailer; middle school students relied more heavily on social sources.

Conclusions.
Our results support the plausibility of reducing rates of students' experimental smoking, but not established smoking, by restricting their access to commercial sources of tobacco in urban areas.

Recent studies suggest that the generally observed negative sibship size effect on education is much less consistent in developing nations. Using data from a national survey in the early 1990s, this study assesses the effect of number of siblings on education in South Africa for two major population groups with distinctive cultural customs, Whites and Blacks. A negative effect exists for Whites, who have adopted a Western nuclear family system, whereas no effect is shown for Blacks, whose family life operates under extended family arrangements. Several sensitivity analyses suggest that the lack of a sibship size effect for Blacks can be partly explained by their extended family arrangements, in which the responsibilities and financial costs of raising children are shared across a wide circle of relatives. The study further addresses the longstanding debate as to whether the link between sibship size and education is contaminated by endogeneity and a confounding birth order effect. Results suggest that the sibship size effect is not an artifact of the interactive birth order effect. However, the observed negative effect for Whites tends to be exaggerated by endogenous factors - mostly likely parental quality-quantity calculation - a pattern found in several other industrialized societies that conform to western values of childbearing.

OBJECTIVES
Assess whether adolescent health risk behaviors cluster, and whether resiliency factors are associated with observed clusters.

METHODS
The cross-sectional population-weighted 2003 California Health Interview Survey was used (N=4010). Four gender-specific clusters were based on smoking, alcohol use, low fruit/vegetables consumption, and physical inactivity. Resiliency factors included parental supervision, parental support, role model presence and adolescent mental health. Conditional regression was used to measure the association of individual health risk behaviors and clusters with resiliency factors.

RESULTS
Health risk behaviors clustered as follows: "Salutary Adherents" (no reported health risk behaviors), "Active Snackers" (physically active, low fruit/vegetable consumers), "Sedentary Snackers" (physically inactive, low fruit/vegetable consumers), and "Risk Takers" (smokers, alcohol users, many also physically inactive and low fruit/vegetable consumers). Greater parental supervision was associated with lower odds of being in unhealthful clusters. Among males, having greater parental support reduced odds of being an "Active Snacker" or "Sedentary Snacker". Among females, role model presence reduced odds of being in unhealthful clusters, while depressiveness increased the odds.

CONCLUSIONS
Health promoting interventions should address multiple health risk behaviors in an integrated fashion. Gender-specific, ethnically-targeted, family-centered strategies that address parenting, particularly parental supervision would be useful. Addressing depressiveness may be especially important for female adolescents.

In industrialized nations family size generally depresses educational attainment-the larger the number of siblings, the lower the educational attainment, presumably because of the reduction of family resources (both material and intellectual) available to each child. However, this association is much less consistent in developing nations, and there is some evidence of substantial change over time. In this paper, we study the effect of number of siblings on educational attainment in China, a nation that has experienced sharp vacillations between policies designed to promote equality (between urban and rural residents and between men and women) and policies designed to promote economic development. The implementation of these policies in the educational arena has alternately reduced and increased competition for educational resources and, we show, has correspondingly reduced and increased the effect of the number of children in a family on their educational attainment.

This study examines the impact of HIV-related stigma on families living with HIV/AIDS in China. In-depth, semistructured interviews were conducted with 30 people living with HIV/AIDS and with 15 of their family members, including spouses, parents, and siblings. Findings show that HIV-related stigma is associated with bringing shame to the family, losing family "face", and damaging within-family relations and broader family social networks. HIV/AIDS stigma was reported to have major impacts on family identity and interactions. In order to cope with these pressures, families reported joining self-support programs, educating family members, and helping other families. This study illustrates that HIV-related stigma is an issue faced by entire families in China, points to specific aspects of family life in which these impacts take place, and suggests the importance of including families in HIV/AIDS and stigma reduction interventions.

Previous studies show migrants are generally healthier than the populations in receiving societies, a result generally attributed to the positive selection of migrants on health. This hypothesis, however, has not been adequately evaluated due to lack of adequate data. In this article, using high-quality longitudinal data from Indonesia, the health selectivity hypothesis, also referred to as the healthy migrant hypothesis, is examined with respect to internal migration. Specifically, this study explores whether pre-migration health status affects the likelihood of migration by comparing those from the sending population who do and do not move. Results show that migrants in Indonesia tend to be selected with respect to health and that this selection is robust to household unobserved heterogeneity. However, the strength and direction of the health-migration association vary by types of migration and dimensions of health.

This paper examines the educational status of temporary migrant children in China, using a unique data set specifically designed to study this population across a wide range of migration destinations. The determinants of migrant children's schooling at both the micro-level (child- and family-level) and macro-level (city-level) were examined using multiple measures of schooling to provide a more complete picture. Emphasis has been placed on gender gap and city-level variations. Results show that household composition, family size and economic conditions are all strong predictors of migrant children's schooling. Based on contrasting children pairs within households using fixed-effect models, the study found no gender gap in migrant children's schooling, despite the persistent son preference in the rural areas where migrants came from. Importantly, variations across city-specific contexts are evident: migrant children in more coastal regions and in destinations with high levels of development and high concentration of migrants are especially disadvantaged, presumably due to the more restrictive migration controls in such areas. Results are shown to be robust to outliers, potential confounders as well as different proxy measures of migration controls.

Surveys in China conventionally sample from local area residential registers, which until recently have been of sufficient accuracy to function as de facto population registers. Due to a combination of large scale internal migration and massive replacement of housing in urban areas, a large fraction of the population currently does not live where registered. Individuals not living where registered are thus ineligible for inclusion in conventionally generated samples. Surveys whose samples depend on access to residential registers are inherently based on an under-enumeration of the population, as well as on a biased representation of the population due to exclusion of unregistered local residents. We report conclusions from, and observations related to, a pilot study designed to test the feasibility and effectiveness of a sampling method that does not depend on residential registers. In the pilot we (1) purposively selected small areas; (2) enumerated the small areas; (3) randomly sampled individuals from the enumeration lists; and (4) interviewed sampled individuals. This approach substantially reduced the underenumeration problem. As implemented, however, its point of departure required previously selected small areas. We describe an extension designed to achieve full coverage of the population of China through sampling of small areas as the penultimate stage of a multi-stage design.