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be deported if he was a member of the Communist party, provided that he was affiliated with it. Affiliation was held to mean a conscious and personal action in which he was affiliated or associated sympathetically in the actions and dispositions and beliefs and teachings of the party. That, of course, put a different light on it.

I'm jumping over an awful lot here. All through this period these terrific assaults went on - the period while the case was being prepared to go to the Supreme Court, the period during which the Supreme Court had it under decision. The fact that we had held up the Bridges case, pending decision in the Streoker case was the cause of a very virulent attack on me, pretty widespread, stimulated by all kinds of unnamed organizations and some named organizations. There were times when we knew who was behind it all. Organizations would pass resolutions. I was generally condemned for not having immediately deported Bridges. It was an awfully difficult thing to explain to a layman just what this difference of opinion among Circuit Courts amounted to, why it was you couldn't deport Bridges immediately.

According to one rather sober critic who didn't lose his head, what I should have done was to have acted as though the Strecker case had not occurred, proceeded to hold the hearings, make out as good a case as possible