Economic Times ⁽²¹⁸⁾

Read full article At 484 pages, the draft National Education Policy (NEP) 2019, released for comments by the human resource development (HRD) ministry, is a massive document. A policy should be a short and crisp framework document, with details eventually spelt out in legislations and rules and regulations that flow from it. This outcome could still be achieved by placing the key proposals in a short, single document with supporting arguments, analysis and data, useful in their own right, into an appendix. Turning to the substance of the policy on higher education, the draft NEP offers some excellent ideas. Its key recommendation to separate the functions of regulation, funding, accreditation and standard setting ought to be at the heart of future reform of higher education. It is broadly in the spirit of many of the ideas we have put forth earlier, though we differ on the details. The draft NEP also builds on recent HRD ministry reforms granting autonomy to higher education institutions following the recommendations of a NITI Aayog committee on which we served, and of the Higher Education…

Subramanian made the dramatic claim that the real GDP in India grew between 3.5% and 5.5% during 2011-17. Read full article In a recent working paper, former chief economic adviser in the ministry of finance Arvind Subramanian made the dramatic claim that the real gross domestic product (GDP) in India grew at a rate between 3.5% and 5.5% during 2011-12 to 2016-17. A number of critiques exposing myriad flaws of the paper have already appeared. They notably include contributions by Swaminathan Aiyar, Surjit Bhalla, Bibek Debroy, Charan Singh, and the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council (PMEAC). Subramanian’s analysis is so problem-ridden, and its claim so far-fetched, that there are only two possible explanations for why he wrote it. One, he blundered — he simply did not realise the innumerable methodological problems afflicting his analysis. Two, he was aware of the shortcomings, but chose to ignore them in the hope of creating a sensation and gaining the attention of the government, media and, possibly, the whole world

What the second Narendra Modi government can do is to put in place employment-friendly policies.Read full article The Narendra Modi government has won a resounding mandate. This soundly puts him and his administration in a position to seriously confront a problem that confronts India. Today, a disproportionately large part of India’s workforce consists of farmers with holdings of less than a hectare, self-employed, and those employed in low-productivity activities in farming or micro enterprises in industry and services. This vast workforce earns near-subsistence level of income or wages. Creation of well-paid jobs for this vast workforce is nearly synonymous with transforming India into a modern economy. As such, no one should make light of the challenge this task poses. Accomplishing it requires interconnected reforms in virtually all areas of the economy.

Read full article On the recommendation of a NITI Aayog Committee, on which the authors were privileged to serve (as chair and as a member), the human resource development (HRD) ministry and the University Grants Commission (UGC) initiated an important reform in higher education in February 2018. Under the reform, colleges receiving scores of 3.51 or higher on a scale of 0 to 4 from the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC), or accredited by the National Accreditation Board (NAB) in three or more programmes with scores of 750 or more in each programme, automatically become eligible for autonomy. The reform also opens the door to autonomy to somewhat lesser performing colleges. But the procedure for it is more elaborate rather than automatic. The experience with the implementation of autonomy, to date, offers an interesting window to the difficulty of reform within the command and control system with multiple power centres that has remained undisturbed in higher education. Without determination and persistence on the part of actors and entities piloting reforms, odds are in favour of the survival of status…

No matter what some Delhi-centric journalists and intellectuals might say, he remains personally intensely popular with people.Read full article I have maintained, since well before the Balakot airstrikes, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will repeat his 2014 election victory in 2019. This conviction is rooted in many factors. The first factor is Modi himself. No matter what some Delhi-centric journalists and intellectuals might say, he remains personally intensely popular with people. Through regular radio broadcasts, social media interactions, and personal appearances at hundreds of functions and rallies each year, he has successfully conveyed to the average Indian that he is sincere, hardworking and decisive. Many may have specific complaints about unfulfilled promises. But few doubt his unwavering commitment to the nation and its people.